Suchergebnisse

Este artículo tiene como propósito presentar algunas reflexiones sobre los aspectos que se pueden tener en cuenta para la implementación de la Cátedra de la Paz, a partir de las voces y experiencias de notables educadores e investigadores, cuya experiencia se ha desarrollado en torno a este campo temático en Colombia durante los últimos años. Para tal efecto, se abordan los fines de la educación para la paz; los ejes temáticos de la cátedra de la paz- ético moral, jurídico político, socio-cultural, psicosocial y pedagógico; y, finalmente algunas recomendaciones de cómo los docentes deben trabajarla en las instituciones educativas en los niveles de básica y media. ; This article aims to present some reflections on the aspects that can be taken into account for the implementation of the Chair of Peace, based on the voices and experiences of outstanding educators and researchers, whose experience has been developed around this field Thematic in Colombia during the last years. To this end, the aims of education for peace are addressed; the thematic axes of the chair of peace - ethical moral, political juridical, socio-cultural, psychosocial and pedagogical; and finally some recommendations on how teachers should work in educational institutions at the basic and middle levels.

En este artículo describimos las posturas que tienen los líderes de la Organización Regional Indígena del Valle del Cauca (ORIVAC) sobre su participación en los procesos de deliberación sobre la paz. En ese sentido, nos hemos centrado en la descripción de la experiencia etnográfica resultante de un proceso de reflexión sobre las expectativas que genera el fin del conflicto con la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) en los territorios habitados por indígenas. En ese orden de ideas, el artículo evidencia las condiciones que hicieron posible el encuentro con la ORIVAC abordando los desafíos asociados con las demandas económicas y culturales que se encuentran en la base de las demandas de reconocimiento político. ; This article describes the positions held by the leaders of the Organización Regional Indígena del Valle del Cauca (ORIVAC) about their participation in the processes of deliberation on peace. We have focused on the description of the ethnographic experience resulting from a process of reflection on the expectations generated by the end of the conflict with the guerrilla of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) in the territories inhabited by indigenous peoples. In this context, the article highlights the conditions that made possible the encounter with the ORIVAC addressing the challenges associated with the economic and cultural demands that lie at the basis of demands for political recognition.

This paper develops two claims that follow from two general conclusions from recent re-search on peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. The first is that international peacebuilders are fairly good at ending violence and at producing stability, but are less talented at creating liberal states. In order to understand why, Section I develops the concept of the "peacebuilders' contract", which is intended to map the kinds of strategic interactions that are likely to unfold between peacebuilders and local élites and capture why these interactions are likely to favour the status quo preferred by local forces. Following on the general recognition that international peacebuilders are limited in what they can produce, the second conclusion concerns the need for peacebuilders to be more strategic in their thinking and to be satisfied with producing small victories that can sup-port the emergence of decent governments which provide the foundations for future movements towards a positive peace. These observations and their implications are applicable not only to post-war interventions, but also to the broader international agenda of fixing states.

Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration, or DDR, has been widely advocated for decades as an essential component of postconflict peacebuilding. But DDR in practice has generated more questions than answers. Does the approach work, contributing to postconflict stabilization and the reintegration of former combatants? Can it work better? What constitutes success? What accounts for failures? Do the potential risks outweigh the potential benefits? Drawing on his extensive experience in the field, Desmond Molloy considers these questions and more as he traces the evolution of DDR theory and practice from the mid-1980s to the present

The book analytically compares the postconflict scenario in Colombia after the peace agreement in 2016 with the postconflict experiences in Rwanda by the end of the last century and the context of international cooperation and intervention in post-conflict Guatemala. In these cases, Transnationalism (focused on UN actions) is explicit in international cooperation for multidimensional and multifunctional reconstruction of these societies.

17 páginas. ; El desarrollo de este ensayo, radica en el reconocimiento que hacen Organismos Internacio-nales, el Gobierno Nacional, los Partidos Políticos y la misma Sociedad Colombiana, frente a los múltiples problemas que en materia de inseguridad y criminalidad se pueden presentar en nuestro país, una vez culmine el proceso de paz que actualmente se adelanta con las FARC. Se analizó el movimiento que han tenido las políticas públicas en materia de seguridad ciu-dadana en las últimas dos décadas, el impacto que como fenómeno de inseguridad y criminalidad tendría el escenario transformado por la implementación y finalización del proceso de paz. El conflicto interno que se vive desde hace más de cincuenta años, involucra diversos acto-res, afectando su estructura política, social y económica; por ende, perjudicando a todos los niveles de gobierno, instituciones y sociedad. Al estar frente a factores y condiciones de alta vulnerabilidad, que no sólo reclaman una vi-sión en prospectiva del complejo escenario que se avecina, sino también, la construcción de una estrategia integral que haga frente a las nuevas exigencias, que particularmente en materia de segu-ridad ciudadana, reclama la sociedad en general. ; The development of this essay is rooted in the recognition made by International Organiza-tions, the National Government, Political Parties and the Colombian Society itself, in view of the many problems that may arise in our country regarding insecurity and criminality, once a peace process that is currently under way with the FARC. We will examine the movement of public policies in the area of citizen security in the last two decades, the impact of the scenario transformed by the implementation and completion of the peace process as a phenomenon of insecurity and criminality. The internal conflict that has been going on for more than fifty years, involves various ac-tors, affecting its political, social and economic structure, thus harming all levels of government, institutions and society. We are faced with factors and conditions of high vulnerability, which not only demand a prospective vision of the complex scenario that lies ahead, but also the construction of a compre-hensive strategy that meets the new demands, particularly in the area of citizen security, demands society in general.

Tese de doutoramento em Relações Internacionais, Política Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra. ; Observing current international scenario, it is notorious the centrality that peace and its construction have. Peacekeeping, peacebuilding and state-building have become fundamental processes of present international politics. In this regards, it is indisputable that the latter has emerged as a crucial activity and one of the most pressing issues regarding peace and conflict transformation in contemporary international relations. In fact, state-building constitutes the very core of international policies directed towards peace, development and security in our time and, consequently, it has became a pivotal practice of central states and international organizations, especially the United Nations (UN). Departing from theoretical and conceptual tools developed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault, this thesis reproblematizes the UN approach regarding 'postconflict' reconstruction efforts and transformation of international violent conflicts arguing that the construction of peace in our time is an attempt of international normalization of 'post-conflict' states and their populations. The pursuit of this normalization, as this thesis argues, is rendered operational through the international government of 'post-conflict' states and their populations' lives at a global scale. In order to pursuit such process, the state-building emerges as the most suitable instrument. It is through the deployment of a state-building dispositif to 'post-conflict' scenarios that it is pursued the conduct of conducts of both 'post-conflict' states, through their discipline, and their populations, through biopolitics, towards a determinate end – making them resemble more like liberaldemocratic entities. In order to render its argument operational, this thesis analyses the UN 'post-conflict' state-building reconstruction process carried out in Timor-Leste. Due to its broad range, depth, and duration, the UN engagement with Timor-Leste is the most appropriate case to have a more comprehensive understanding of the practice of statebuilding in 'post-conflict' settings. This thesis analyses how Timor-Leste emerged in the international scenario as an urgent need that needed to be addressed and, consequently, the functioning of the state-building dispositif deployed towards the country as a result of this understanding. Along its analyses, this thesis elucidates that the state-building process, albeit rhetorically framed as building peace and underpinned by power-denying notions such as 'capacity-building', is a normalizing dispositif directed towards 'post-conflict' states which operates through the pursuit of disciplining such state and exercising a biopolitical power over the political, the economic, the social, and the security spheres surrounding its population. This thesis evinces that, in the end, state-building is a process that seeks to make 'post-conflict' states and their populations behave more as what is constructed as the 'normal' behavior of current international relations – liberal-democratic entities. ; Observando o presente cenário internacional, é notória a centralidade que a paz e construção desta possuem. Operações de manutenção e construção da paz, e a (re)construção de Estados tornaram-se processos fundamentais da atual política internacional. Nesse sentido, é ponto pacífico que a última surge como uma atividade crucial e uma das questões mais importantes relativamente à paz e a transformação de conflitos nas relações internacionais contemporâneas. De fato, a (re)construção dos Estados constitui o cerne das políticas internacionais direcionadas à paz, desenvolvimento, e segurança do nosso tempo e, consequentemente, tornou-se uma prática essencial de Estados centrais e organizações internacionais, especialmente das Nações Unidas (ONU). Partindo de ferramentas teóricas e conceituais desenvolvidas pelo filósofo francês Michel Foucault, esta tese reproblematiza a abordagem onusiana relativamente aos esforços de reconstrução 'pós-conflito' e transformação de conflitos internacionais violentos argumentando que a construção da paz no nosso tempo é uma tentativa de normalização internacional dos Estados 'pós-conflito' e de suas populações. A busca desta normalização, como argumenta esta tese, é operacionalizada por meio do governo internacional dos Estados 'pós-conflito' e das vidas de suas populações em escala global. De forma a buscar tal processo, a (re)construção de Estados surge como o instrumento mais adequado. É por meio do destacar de um dispositif de (re)construção de Estados que é buscada a condução das condutas dos Estados 'pós-conflito', por meio da disciplina destes, e de suas populações, por meio da biopolítica, em direção a um fim determinado – fazê-los parecer mais com entidades liberais e democráticas. De forma a operacionalizar o seu argumento, esta tese analisa o processo onusiano de reconstrução 'pós-conflito' levado a cabo no Timor-Leste. Devido ao seu largo alcance, profundidade e duração, a interação da ONU com o Timor-Leste é o caso mais apropriado para se ter um entendimento mais abrangente da prática de (re)construção de Estados em situações 'pós-conflito'. Esta tese analisa como o Timor-Leste surgiu no cenário internacional como uma necessidade urgente que tinha de ser lidada e, consequentemente, o funcionamento do dispositif de (re)construção de Estados destacado para o país como resultado deste entendimento. Ao longo de sua análise, esta tese elucida que o processo de (re)construção de Estados, apesar de retoricamente enquadrado como construindo a paz e fundamentado por noções que negam serem instrumentos de poder como a 'construção de capacidades', é um dispositif normalizador direcionado aos Estados 'pós-conflito' que opera por meio da busca de disciplinar tal Estado e exercer um poder biopolítico sob as esferas política, econômica, social e securitária que circunda sua população. Esta tese evidencia que, ao fim ao cabo, a (re)construção dos Estados é um processo que busca fazer com que os Estados 'pósconflito' e suas populações comportem-se mais como o que é construído como um comportamento 'normal' nas relações internacionais contemporâneas – como entidades liberais e democráticas.

This study, while centered within the scholarship of education reform in postconflict Bosnia–Herzegovina (BiH), shifts the locus of focus from large‐scale debates between international organizations and national political bodies toward a consideration of the individuals within the system on the ground. Through the voices of primary school teachers, directors, and pedagogues across eight cities in BiH, this analysis casts light on the struggles facing children and educators in postconflict BiH today, and administrators and reformers within the education frame these struggles. The article concludes that the shifting and ruptured identities of a postwar generation, combined with the economic and social‐emotional struggles facing these populations, point toward affective challenges encountered on a daily basis as both educators and children make their lives in the day‐to‐day reality of today's BiH. This framework suggests that dichotomies such as monoethnic/multiethnic and segregated/integrated may be eclipsing more nuanced issues within the practice of education and education reform in BiH. The conversations presented in these pages officer a renewed perspective, critical for scholars of peace studies, as we consider the role of education systems in postaccord societies and the effects they can be expected to bring about.

Colombia is one of the most biodiverse countries in the world that has historically and is currently experiencing extensive deforestation and habitat fragmentation. Here we show how the most extensive region acting as a natural corridor between the Colombian Andes and Amazon biogeographical regions, the Picachos-Tinigua-Sierra de la Macarena-Chiribiquete megacorridor, is being eroded by large-scale agricultural expansion endangering the maintenance and connection of gene flow and biodiversity exchange. Several phylogenetic studies indicate that the complex dynamics between the Andean highlands and the Amazonian lowlands have strongly influenced the origin and maintenance of Neotropical biodiversity. We appeal for the attention of international conservation and governmental organizations to direct resources and promote projects focused on the preservation and sustainable management of this strategic Andes-Amazon bridge in both protected and unprotected areas. In the current postconflict era, Colombia has a unique opportunity to create a new social and economic paradigm based on long-term sustainably developed landscapes and more equitable sharing of wealth. We believe improved management and conservation efforts for the Picachos-Tinigua-Macarena-Chiribiquete megacorridor would demonstrate a collective will in helping to achieve this goal. © 2018 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Why do international peacebuilders fail to address the local causes of peace process failures? The existing explanations of peacebuilding failures, which focus on constraints and vested interests, do not explain the international neglect of local conflict. In this article, I show how discursive frames shape international intervention and preclude international action on local violence. Drawing on more than 330 interviews, multi-sited ethnography, and document analysis, I develop a case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo's transition from war to peace and democracy (2003-2006). I demonstrate that local agendas played a decisive role in sustaining local, national, and regional violence. However, a postconflict peacebuilding frame shaped the international understanding of violence and intervention in such a way that local conflict resolution appeared irrelevant and illegitimate. This frame included four key elements: international actors labeled the Congo a "postconflict" situation; they believed that violence there was innate and therefore acceptable even in peacetime; they conceptualized international intervention as exclusively concerned with the national and international realms; and they saw holding elections, as opposed to local conflict resolution, as a workable, appropriate, and effective tool for state- and peacebuilding. This frame authorized and justified specific practices and policies while precluding others, notably local conflict resolution, ultimately dooming the peacebuilding efforts. In conclusion, I contend that analyzing discursive frames is a fruitful approach to the puzzle of international peacebuilding failures beyond the Congo.

There is a global expectation about the peace process between the National Government and the FARC-EP and ELN guerrillas in Colombia, and also about the adoption of the possible agreements. However, as argued in this article, the fact that the emergence of a phase of 'post-conflict' and/or 'post-agreements' is mentioned from the theoretical and conceptual point of view does not mean that the internal conflicts vanish, but instead, they are transformed or can even give rise to new conflicts. A contribution in this sense is to conclude that the armed development is only a manifestation or expression of the conflict that turns out to be much more complex, due to its multiple aspects and factors that produce it. This trend is clear with respect to environmental matters: since the announced 'post-conflict phase in Colombia' in the last years the environmental conflicts have intensified or have led to situations that enable the emergence of new conflicts. For this reason, the challenge of environmental conflicts is to propose a series of reflections for the discussion and construction of broad and lasting peace scenarios. In this sense, peace is not the absence of conflicts, but a situation in which they can be solved without resorting to violence and guaranteeing environmental rights. The proposal is finding a concerted and participatory solution among the different social sectors that acknowledges and establishes the aspects for overcoming environmental injustices, insisting that the latter constitute a condition that generates conflict due to the distribution of the environmental goods and burdens, which are manifested in inequalities and inequities between human beings and human beings and nature. Therefore, it will be essential to focus the efforts so that environmental rights are respected by guaranteeing no detriments, pollution or impacts, and assuring the emergence of affirmative actions, demands and struggles that allow the realization of a redistributive justice, the resolution of inequality and poverty, and the respect and limits for the conservation and sustainability of environmental and natural goods. ; A nivel mundial se ha generado expectativa sobre el proceso de paz que se ha venido adelantando con las guerrillas de las FARC-EP y el ELN en Colombia, así como sobre la adopción de los eventuales acuerdos que han sido pactados con el Gobierno Nacional. Sin embargo, como se argumenta en este artículo, el hecho de que se aluda desde el punto de vista teórico y conceptual a la aparición de una fase de 'post-conflicto' y/o 'post-acuerdos' no quiere decir que desaparezcan los conflictos internos, sino que, en lugar de ello, estos se transforman o incluso pueden dar lugar a nuevos conflictos. Un aporte en este sentido es concluir que el desarrollo armado es solo una manifestación o expresión del conflicto que resulta ser mucho más complejo, por sus múltiples aspectos y por los factores que lo originan. En materia ambiental se identifica esta tendencia, pues en los últimos años a partir de la anunciada 'fase de postconflicto en Colombia', los conflictos ambientales se han venido intensificando o se han creado situaciones que dan lugar a la aparición de nuevos conflictos. Por esta razón, el reto de los conflictos ambientales consiste en plantear una serie de reflexiones para la discusión y construcción de escenarios de paz amplios y duraderos. En este sentido, la paz no es ausencia de conflictos, sino una situación en la cual es posible resolverlos sin acudir a la violencia, pero garantizando los derechos ambientales. Se propone encontrar una salida concertada y participativa entre los diferentes sectores sociales, que reconozca y establezca los aspectos para la superación de las injusticias ambientales, insistiendo en que estas últimas se constituyen en una condición generadora de conflictos por la distribución de los bienes y cargas ambientales, que se manifiesta en las desigualdades e inequidades entre seres humanos y seres humanos y naturaleza. Por lo tanto, será indispensable enfocar los esfuerzos para que se respeten los derechos ambientales en ese reconocimiento de garantías para la no afectación, contaminación y generación de impactos, pero también en acciones afirmativas, reivindicaciones y luchas que permitan la concreción de una justicia redistributiva, la resolución de los problemas de desigualdad y pobreza, y el respeto y límites para la conservación y sostenibilidad de los bienes ambientales y naturales.

The citizen security service provided by the Colombian State is unequal. It focuses mainly on large cities and municipal capitals, and is absent in vast expanses of the national geography. In these regions, state incapacity to enforce the law, resolve citizen conflicts, and protect and promote social order based on peaceful coexistence is painfully evident. Also, in a context of armed conflict, the State has placed special emphasis on the fight against illegal armed groups (national security), rather than respond to coexistence and security challenges (citizen security).Post-conflict, the transition from national security to citizen security in rural areas requires the design of security strategies with a regional focus. It should consider institutional adjustments, construction of legal authorities, and the strengthening of local capacities.