Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Security sector reform (SSR) aims to create a secure environment that is conducive to development, poverty reduction, good governance, and in particular the growth of democratic states and institutions based on the rule of law. This relies on the ability of the state to mitigate its people's vulnerabilities through development and to use a range of policy instruments to prevent or address security threats that affect society's wellbeing. Timor-Leste is currently relatively stable compared to the 2006–08 crisis period, but it is still seen as a fragile state. In the security sector, this fragility highlights the conflictual relationship between the armed forces (FALINTIL – Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste, F-FDTL) and the police (Polícia Nacional de Timor-Leste, PNTL) as the most significant threat to national stability. This article examines the United Nations' efforts in Timor-Leste as an important case for the study of SSR in post-conflict countries and tries to answer the following questions: how has SSR evolved in Timor-Leste? What has the role of the military and police forces been in the country's stabilization and reconstruction? Are they contributing to peace or are they a source of potential conflict?

Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to review the development of the field of knowledge about masculinities, and particularly to show the need for post-colonial perspectives.


Design/methodology/approach
– Reading major texts in the field and analysing their conclusions, inclusions, and exclusions.


Findings
– Study of masculinities is necessary to gain an adequate understanding of the whole field of gender relations. This field is now global, but the consequences of a global field of knowledge are not sufficiently recognized because of the continuing hegemony of the global north in theory, methodology, and academic networks. The coloniality of gender is outlined. Significant contributions from the global south are identified and the issues involved in decolonizing the field of masculinity studies are analysed.


Research limitations/implications
– Mainly Anglophone texts discussed.


Practical implications
– Redesign of curricula for teaching in this area; redeployment of resources in academic publishing and other knowledge production projects.


Social implications
– Knowledge in this area is relevant to HIV prevention, poverty reduction, economic development, prevention of violence, international conflict, and educational attainment.


Originality/value
– To stimulate rethinking among scholars in the field of masculinity and gender studies, and through them among those dealing with the practical issues mentioned.

The paper examines the various challenges that confront tertiary education institutions and economic development in Africa. It discusses the link between human capital development and tertiary education institutions and its impact on economic development in Africa. The paper argues that human capital development through tertiary education institutions is indispensable among African states for accelerated development in terms of poverty reduction, high productivity, life expectancy and increased literacy rate among others. The paper notes that the development of tertiary education institutions in Africa has been neglected by African states because of its capital intensiveness. The World Bank and other International Organizations that assist Africa in the development of education encouraged this neglect by laying emphasis on the development of primary and secondary education. The paper argues that the challenges of tertiary education institutions vis-à-vis economic development in African include the dependency type of relationship between African states and their former colonial masters and/or industrial countries, inadequate financing, lack of university autonomy, poor management of resources resulting from weak leadership, faculty shortage, among others. Finally, the paper recommends, among others that adequate funding of tertiary education institutions in Africa is sine qua non if African states have to pull itself out from under development.

Abstract. The evaluation criteria to measure the efficiency of a state's economic policy in terms of integration processes in the European Union were determined in the Europe 2020 Strategy endorsed by the European Council in June 2010. According to the Strategy, the European Union has committed to seek progress in the fields of employment, investment in R&D, climate change and energy, education, and poverty reduction. With a view to assessing the economic impact of the above commitments by the European Union vis-a-vis small European Union countries, this article provides an evaluation of the three objectives of the Europe 2020 Strategy – employment, education, and investment in R&D – and their impact on the economic growth in smaller countries of the European Union.This article concludes that many of the smaller European Union countries choose not to be ambitious enough in their national objectives of employment, education, and investment in R&D areas under the Europe 2020 Strategy and, during the 2011–2020 period, they show on average a 4.8% lower annual GDP growth than it could potentially be, i.e. they abandon far-reaching ambitious targets.Key words: economic policy, small European Union countries, Europe 2020 Strategy, employment, education, R&D

In early 1990s, Albania begins to make political and economic reforms toward democracy. Among others, reforms to improve the economy and to protect the rights of its citizens were of the immediate need, and they started to show improvements in Albanian society. However, the economic and social reforms in Albania are accompanied with an increase in the number of people who are considered at risk or outside the mainstream of the society. The treatment of social protection issues for vulnerable groups in Albania has not been systematically examined despite their vital importance to poverty reduction. In recent years, international development discourse has started to recognize more fully the importance of adequate social protection. There is no guarantee that social protection and equity issues will come higher up the agenda of the democratization of Albania, not least because the international institutional context in which they are being developed which historically has not prioritized social protection. While civil society involvement has varied substantially, civil actors are often some of the strongest advocates of inclusive and equitable development policies, including adequate social protection in Albania. At the end, this paper is primarily based on documents of state institutions and international organisms working in Albania.

This paper attempts to identify structural constraints to growth and exports within Cambodia's key industries and to consider the policy actions needed to reduce obstacles to trade. The paper places special emphasis on Cambodia's exports to the People's Republic of China (PRC), given the major export opportunities arising from the free trade agreement (FTA) between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the PRC, known as the ASEAN–[People's Republic of] China FTA (ACFTA). A qualitative case study method was applied at the firm-level by conducting face-to-face interviews to identify the impediments to the growth and exports of key industries in Cambodia, and to examine the opportunities and challenges presented by the ACFTA. This study covers the garment and food industries, which are critical to the economic development of Cambodia in the context of regional and global economic integration. The food industry, with its large number of small and medium-sized enterprises, has great potential for contributing to pro-poor growth in Cambodia, while the textile industry is the largest employer in the Cambodian labor force and is critical for poverty reduction efforts through export-led growth. The study also provides policy recommendations at both the industry and government levels.

Many conservationists nowadays talk about the urgent need to value nature. To bring out the 'true value' of nature and make conservation compatible with poverty reduction, so the argument goes, it must be appropriated into the realm of commodities and priced in monetary terms. By employing the concept of 'derivative nature', this paper explores the consequences of this neoliberal move. Derivatives are financial mechanisms whose monetary value is literally derived from the value of underlying assets. They were originally devised to reduce risk in the marketplace, but have actually made the global financial market immensely more complex and created more systemic risk and uncertainty because of their susceptibility to speculation. The paper suggests that similar processes can be seen in the arena of conservation. It argues that both nature and 'the poor' are increasingly becoming 'underlying assets' for what has become the 'real' source of value of neoliberal conservation, namely images and symbols within the realms of branding, public relations and marketing. Empirically grounded in a discussion on transfrontier conservation in Southern Africa in the run-up to the 2010 soccer World Cup, the paper examines the consequences of 'derivative nature' and calls for critical thinking to start facing these consequences. Adapted from the source document.

The pace of growth in the Philippines is slower than that of many neighboring countries, and despite increasing growth in the period before the current global financial crisis, domestic investment remained weak, and had a declining share in gross domestic product. Understanding limits to growth in the Philippines' economy and how they may be counteracted is crucial for policy makers seeking to encourage economic development. The pace of growth in the Philippines is slower than that of many neighboring countries, and despite increasing growth in the period before the current global financial crisis, domestic investment remained weak, and had a declining share in gross domestic product. Understanding limits to growth in the Philippines' economy and how they may be counteracted is crucial for policy makers seeking to encourage economic development. Diagnosing the Philippine Economy investigates the binding constraints on economic development, by following a growth diagnostics approach. Articles within this collection cover the areas of macroeconomic management; trade, investments, and production; infrastructure, human capital; equity and the social sector; poverty reduction efforts; and governance and political institutions. The studies' findings provide insight for politicians, academicians, and economists into the issues and their potential solutions.

The pace of growth in the Philippines is slower than that of many neighboring countries, and despite increasing growth in the period before the current global financial crisis, domestic investment remained weak, and had a declining share in gross domestic product. Understanding limits to growth in the Philippines' economy and how they may be counteracted is crucial for policy makers seeking to encourage economic development. The pace of growth in the Philippines is slower than that of many neighboring countries, and despite increasing growth in the period before the current global financial crisis, domestic investment remained weak, and had a declining share in gross domestic product. Understanding limits to growth in the Philippines' economy and how they may be counteracted is crucial for policy makers seeking to encourage economic development. Diagnosing the Philippine Economy investigates the binding constraints on economic development, by following a growth diagnostics approach. Articles within this collection cover the areas of macroeconomic management; trade, investments, and production; infrastructure, human capital; equity and the social sector; poverty reduction efforts; and governance and political institutions. The studies' findings provide insight for politicians, academicians, and economists into the issues and their potential solutions.

Almost immediately after taking power in 1999, Pakistan's fourth military regime articulated a seven point agenda that in large measure entailed governance policy shifts – the key being decentralization of powers and democratic local governance. Pakistan's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) articulated these goals in the pro-poor growth framework. The international aid community favoured this reform climate and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) took a lead in supporting public sector reforms especially by way of improving sub-national governance in a federal context. This paper focuses on the reform agenda articulated through ADB assisted Balochistan Public Resource Management and the complementary devolved social services programs. While it is still early to assess the impact of these policy shifts, we conclude that improved service delivery through better fiscal management is a long term goal. The ongoing reforms are located within and impacted by historically difficult federal-province relations and a highly contested political climate. There is an inherent danger of institutional reforms being appropriated by entrenched elites. In conclusion, subnational reforms cannot be isolated from the imperatives of federalism, local patrimonial structures i.e. the political economy context. Development agenda[s] should overtly address politics in designing and implementing governance reform programs.

Almost immediately after taking power in 1999, Pakistan's fourth military regime articulated a seven point agenda that in large measure entailed governance policy shifts - the key being decentralization of powers and democratic local governance. Pakistan's Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) articulated these goals in the pro-poor growth framework. The international aid community favoured this reform climate and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) took a lead in supporting public sector reforms especially by way of improving sub-national governance in a federal context. This paper focuses on the reform agenda articulated through ADB assisted Balochistan Public Resource Management and the complementary devolved social services programs. While it is still early to assess the impact of these policy shifts, we conclude that improved service delivery through better fiscal management is a long term goal. The ongoing reforms are located within and impacted by historically difficult federal-province relations and a highly contested political climate. There is an inherent danger of institutional reforms being appropriated by entrenched elites. In conclusion, subnational reforms cannot be isolated from the imperatives of federalism, local patrimonial structures i.e. the political economy context. Development agenda[s] should overtly address politics in designing and implementing governance reform programs. Adapted from the source document.

The main point of this paper is that foreign aid fails because the structure of its incentives resembles that of central planning. Aid is not only ineffective, it is arguably counterproductive. Contrary to business firms that are paid by those they are supposed to serve (customers), aid agencies are paid by tax payers of developed countries and not by those they serve. This inverse structure of incentives breaks the stream of pressure that exists on the commercial market. It also creates larger loopholes in the principle-agent relationship on each point along the chain of aid delivery. Both factors enhance corruption, moral hazard and negative selection. Instead of promoting development, aid extends the life of bad institutions and those in power. Proposals to reform foreign aid ? like aid privatization and aid conditionality ? do not change the existing structure of the incentives in aid delivery, and their implementation may just slightly improve aid efficacy. Larger improvement is not possible. For that reason, foreign aid will continue to be a waste of resources, probably serving some objectives different to those that are usually mentioned, like recipient?s development poverty reduction and pain relief.