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Dr. Hu Shih (1891-1962) was one of China's top scholars and diplomats and served as the Republic of China's ambassador to the United States during World War II. As early as 1941, Hu Shih warned of the fundamental ideological conflict between dictatorial totalitarianism and democratic systems, a view that later became the foundation of the Cold War narrative. In the 1950s, after Mao's authoritarian regime was established, Hu Shih started to analyze the development and nature of Communism, delivering a series of lectures and addresses to reveal what he called Stalin's "grand strategy" for facilitating the International Communist Movement. For decades--and today to a certain extent--Hu Shih's political writings were considered sensitive and even dangerous. As a strident critic of the Chinese Communist Party's oligarchical practices, he was targeted by the CCP in a concerted national campaign to smear his reputation, cast aspersions on his writings, and generally destroy any possible influence he might have in China. This volume brings together a collection of Hu Shih's most important, mostly unpublished, English-language speeches, interviews, and commentaries on international politics, China-U.S. relations, and the International Communist Movement. Taken together, these works provide an insider's perspective on Sino-American relations and the development of the International Communist Movement over the course of the 20th century

Wu, Ka Ming. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-163). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i-iii ; Table of Content --- p.iv-v ; Abbreviations --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction: Women and Poverty in Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Poor Women: Where and Who are They? ; Research Purpose and Questions ; Research Methodology ; Some Research Reflections ; Chapter Chapter Two --- "Engendering the Question of Poverty: Power in Economy, State and Discourse" --- p.14 ; Women and Development under Economic Globalization ; Working Daughters Getting Old: The Hong Kong Case ; Hong Kong in the International Political Economy ; Poor Women: The Opposition of Workers and Citizens ; Welfare Perspectives: Three Different Theoretical Streams ; The Political Economy of Welfare State ; Feminist Critique of Welfare State ; Poor Women and Welfare Services in Hong Kong ; The Genealogy of Modern Power: Foucault on Power and Discourse ; Discourse Analysis ; Ideology versus Truth ; The Power of Gaze ; The Welfare Cut: The Poor as Objects of State Intervention ; Power/ Knowledge ; Chapter Chapter Three --- poor Women as Product of Economic Development: Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy --- p.45 ; Changing Role of Hong Kong in the Global Economy ; Poor Women after Economic Restructuring ; Reproductive Work Positions: Sliding Ranks and Salaries ; No Jobs for Poor Mothers ; Working Poor Mothers: Reconciling Paid Work and Family Responsibility ; Familialism and the Incorporation of Women as Labor ; Capitalist Production of Familialism ; The Matron Workers in the 1970s vs the Disabled Women in the 1990s ; Entering the Information Age in the late 1990s: Poor Women and Development ; Conclusion ; Chapter Chapter Four --- "Women, Poverty and the Welfare System in Hong Kong " --- p.72 ; Concern of Hong Kong Social Policy ; The Myth of Lassie-faire in Social Welfare ; Productivity: Philosophy of Hong Kong Social Welfare ; Single Mothers as Study ...

Lau Chui-shan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2001. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 115-122). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i-iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; List of Illustrations --- p.vi ; Notes on Romanization --- p.vii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- Reviews of Existing Literature ; Chapter 1.2 --- Review of Materials used for this research topic ; Chapter 1.3 --- Organization of the thesis ; Chapter 2. --- Power Structure of the Old Market Town: The Build Up of Lineage Power- --- p.18 ; Chapter 2.1 --- The Development of the Tang Lineage in the Yuen Long Area ; Chapter 2.2 --- The Establishment of Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 2.3 --- Sphere of Influence ; Chapter 2.4 --- The Operational Period of the Old Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion ; Chapter 3. --- Imposition of an Alien Administration --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Early Period of British Leased New Territories ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Opposition from the Local Powers of the New Territories ; Chapter 3.3 --- The Administrative Policy of the British Hong Kong Government in the New Territories ; Chapter 3.4 --- Conclusion ; Chapter 4. --- Emergence of the New Market Town --- p.58 ; Chapter 4.1 --- The Formation of a New Alliance ; Chapter 4.2 --- The Establishment and Development of the New Yuen Long Market Town ; Chapter 4.3 --- The Function of the Hop Yik Company ; Chapter 5. --- Adjustments in Town Management --- p.78 ; Chapter 5.1 --- The Improvement in Transportation and Communication and its influence on the area ; Chapter 5.2 --- The Development of Hop Yik Company ; Chapter 5.3 --- The Establishment of Heung Yee Kuk ; Chapter 6. --- Religion as Control --- p.91 ; Chapter 6.1 --- The Building of Market Temple ; Chapter 6.2 --- Tai Ping Qing Jiao ; Chapter 6.3 --- The Changing ritual organizer in Yuen Long ; Chapter 7. --- Conclusion: Redefining a Village Community --- p.101 ; Appendices --- p.108 ; Alphabetical ...

在過去的十年中,香港出現了大量呼籲保存「本地社區」的社會網絡和文化的社會運動。這些社會運動交織著對政府推行的市區重建項目和政府文物保育政策的批評。這些批評指出政府的政策過度重視經濟發展,進一步加深社會矛盾和弱勢群體的邊緣化。 ; 本論文中的社區博物館正是在香港資本主義的城市發展模式下催生而成。為了反對有關城市發展的官方話語和將自己的利益最大化,社區博物館中的各利益持份者,根據他們對當地的歷史和文化的解釋,各自建構他們關於「社區和地方文化」的話語。這些多元的「社區」話語在這個社區博物館的構成,揭示了來自不同社會背景的團體之間的角力。本論文指出該社區博物館的建立和運作,促使分屬各社會階層的團體進行政治協商。他們各自的主張在社區博物館中交流,結果提出了有別於官方著眼經濟的「發展」模式,改以「社區」作本土文化的另一「發展」模式。這過程展示了不同社會階層間的權力流動,以及他們為加強自身的社會的政治影響力和爭奪經濟資源而展開的競爭。 ; In the past decade, numerous social movements have emerged in Hong Kong calling for the preservation of social networks and "cultures" of the "local community". These social movements have been interwoven with local critiques of the urban renewal projects and heritage conservation policies implemented by the government. The critiques point out that the government policies overweigh economic development and further increase social disparity and marginalization of disadvantaged groups. The community museum in this study was established in a capitalistic model of urban development in Hong Kong. Various stakeholders construct their own discourses of "community and local culture" in the community museum in order to oppose official discourses about urban development and maximize their own interests. Thus the making of the "community and local culture" in this community museum reveals a negotiation among the parties of different social background. ; This research argues that the establishment and operation of the community museum enable groups from different social segments to negotiate and construct their own discourses based on their interpretations of local history and culture. This research also showcases both the power dynamics of different social classes and their competition for their own socio-political influences and economic resources through proposing an alternative model of urban development. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tsang, Ching Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references ...

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]

It is generally acknowledged that Europe will not be a super power in the sense of a political-military ensemble on an equal footing with the United States or China. Europeans reject this possibility across the board. Moreover, even if they wanted to go that route, wouldn't it expose them to reproducing on a European scale what they have struggled to combat amongst themselves: the idea of becoming a great power with all the attributes of force and supremacy that such a project implies?So if Europe will not be a super power, how can it be a power at all? Probably by reinforcing what remains its major political resource: its capacity to produce and set up at the global level a system of norms as broad-sweeping as possible that can organize the world, discipline the interplay of its actors, introduce predictability in their behavior, develop among them a sense of collective responsibility, and offer those who engage on this path, particularly the weakest, at least the partial possibility to use these norms as an argument/force* against all, including the world's most powerful.The task may seem colossal, even outrageous. It probably is, but does Europe have any other choice but to assume its responsibility as a normative power? Probably not.[publisher's website]