Suchergebnisse

The power, as obtained, exercised, organized and preserved, is the subject of political science. In this premise exists absolute identity between political science and communist sensis, what is understood as the set of shared knowledge within a community tradition. Also, there is a consensus in ancient and modern societies, that power is primarily a relationship of subordination, in which a group of people set the rules and others comply with them, in which decisions are made within a set of rules that are obeyed and the acceptance is made in the consensus or by imposition, in a democratic or authoritarian way but it establishes the recognized and accepted relationship of subordination.

Based on a neorealist analysis, and contrary to the soft power approach, this article studies Brazilian foreign policy with regards to potential regional hegemonic designs. The research examines crucial developments in the military power of Brazil but also considers its demographic and economic capacity and its potential to develop nuclear weapons as determining factors to balance power on a global scale. The analysis is contextualized in the international systemic structure, where the United States as the great power should prevent other states from gaining power. ; Basado en un análisis neo-realista y en contra posición a los planteamientos del soft power, este artículo estudia la política exterior brasileña respecto a posibles diseños hegemónicos regionales. La investigación examina avances cruciales en el poder militar del Estado sudamericano, pero también tiene en cuenta la capacidad demográfica y económica brasileña y su posibilidad de desarrollar armas nucleares, como elementos condicionantes para equilibrar el poder en el escenario global. El análisis se contextualiza en la estructura sistémica internacional, donde Estados Unidos, como la gran potencia, debe impedir que otros Estados adquieran poder. ; Baseado em uma análise neorrealista e em contraposição as abordagens do soft power, este artigo estuda a política exterior brasileira no que se refere a possíveis desenhos hegemônicos regionais. A pesquisa examina avanços cruciais no poder militar do Brasil, mas também leva em conta a capacidade demográfica e econômica brasileira e sua possibilidade de desenvolver armas nucleares, como elementos condicionantes para equilibrar o poder no cenário global. A análise se contextualiza na estrutura sistêmica internacional, onde os Estados Unidos, como a grande potência, deve impedir que outros Estados adquiram poder

Based on a neorealist analysis, and contrary to the soft power approach, this article studies Brazilian foreign policy with regards to potential regional hegemonic designs. The research examines crucial developments in the military power of Brazil but also considers its demographic and economic capacity and its potential to develop nuclear weapons as determining factors to balance power on a global scale. The analysis is contextualized in the international systemic structure, where the United States as the great power should prevent other states from gaining power. ; Basado en un análisis neo-realista y en contra posición a los planteamientos del soft power, este artículo estudia la política exterior brasileña respecto a posibles diseños hegemónicos regionales. La investigación examina avances cruciales en el poder militar del Estado sudamericano, pero también tiene en cuenta la capacidad demográfica y económica brasileña y su posibilidad de desarrollar armas nucleares, como elementos condicionantes para equilibrar el poder en el escenario global. El análisis se contextualiza en la estructura sistémica internacional, donde Estados Unidos, como la gran potencia, debe impedir que otros Estados adquieran poder. ; Baseado em uma análise neorrealista e em contraposição as abordagens do soft power, este artigo estuda a política exterior brasileira no que se refere a possíveis desenhos hegemônicos regionais. A pesquisa examina avanços cruciais no poder militar do Brasil, mas também leva em conta a capacidade demográfica e econômica brasileira e sua possibilidade de desenvolver armas nucleares, como elementos condicionantes para equilibrar o poder no cenário global. A análise se contextualiza na estrutura sistêmica internacional, onde os Estados Unidos, como a grande potência, deve impedir que outros Estados adquiram poder

El examen de las respuestas dadas por las potencias occidentales ante el genocidio en el siglo xx indica que el modelo de comportamiento ante el ascenso y dominio de Hitler se repite en las reacciones de los Estados Unidos y Europa ante las carnicerías de los años noventa en Yugoslavia y Ruanda, medio siglo después de la Convención del Genocidio. La inacción no es fruto de la ignorancia o de la imposibilidad de actuar, sino de una decisión política sobre los costes de la intervención y de una decidida voluntad de no intervenir. El coste de la inacción frente al genocidio es elevado, n o sólo desde un punto de vista moral, sino también social y político, ya que puede minar la estabilidad regional e internacional, como el 11S ha mostrado. Un camino real para combatir la inacción de los políticos en las democracias occidentales es crear un coste político a corto plazo para quienes no hacen nada. ; The examination of the responses given by Western countries to genocide in the 20th Century proves that the behavioural pattern es-tablished vis á vis the rise and domination of Hitler is replicated in American and European responses to the carnage in Yugoslavia and Rwanda in the 90s, half a century after the Convention on Genocide. In this case the lack of action is not a result of ignorance, or of the impossibility to intervene; it is caused by a political decisión about the costs of intervention, and henee the result of a lack of willing-ness. Nevertheless, the cost of inaction face to genocide is high, not just from the moral point of view but because of its social and political consequences. It can undermine regional and international stability, as the llth September has shown. Creating short-term political costs for those who do nothing may be a good way of co-rrecting this kind of behaviour.

A historical constant in Political Science has been the question of power. What is, and what legitimizes it? Why some have the right to command and duty to obey other? Are consensual power relations, and what is the role of force or violence in these relationships? All those have been questions that have never lost force in the political arena, and that is why they are under constant review and debate. Max Weber and Guglielmo Ferrero were not immune to this concern and developed theories about the phenomenon of power. This article gives a schematic exposition of his theories and precise their positions about the role of legitimacy, consensus and violence within relationships of power. ; Una constante histórica dentro de la Ciencia Política ha sido la pregunta por el poder. ¿Qué es?, ¿qué lo legitima?, ¿por qué unos tienen el derecho de mandar y otros el deber de obedecer?, ¿son consentidas las relaciones de poder?, ¿qué papel desempeña la fuerza o la violencia en estas relaciones? Todas estas han sido preguntas que nunca han perdido vigencia en el escenario político, de tal suerte que están en constante revisión y debate. Max Weber y Guglielmo Ferrero no fueron ajenos a esta preocupación y desarrollaron teorías en torno al fenómeno del poder. El presente artículo hace una exposición esquemática de sus teorías y precisa sus posiciones frente al papel que juegan la legitimidad, el consenso y la violencia dentro de las relaciones de poder.

This article discusses the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico's understanding of nationalism. It located the nation both in the geographical entity of Puerto Rico and in the larger transnational political-cultural area of Latin America. To establish that Puerto Rico was a nation, the party drew on the culture, history, language, and religion that Puerto Rico shared with Latin America. Nationalists also linked the island to Latin America to convince Puerto Ricans that their history and their future lay with Iberoamérica. This article also establishes that the Nationalist Party believed that both men and women made up the nation and had an essential role to play in achieving its liberation. Pedro Albizu Campos, the leader of the Nationalist Party, strongly encouraged women to join the party and many women did. ; Este artículo aborda el concepto de nacionalismo del Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico. El partido sitúa la nación tanto en la entidad geográfica de la isla, como en el área política-cultural transnacional de América Latina. Para establecer que Puerto Rico era una nación, el partido se basó en la cultura, la historia, el idioma y la religión que la isla comparte con América Latina. Los Nacionalistas también vincularon la isla a América Latina para convencer a los puertorriqueños de que su historia y su futuro estaban con América Latina, no con los de los Estado Unidos. Este artículo también establece que el Partido Nacionalista consideraba que tanto los hombres como las mujeres constituyen la nación y tienen un papel fundamental que desempeñar en el logro de su liberación. Pedro Albizu Campos, el líder del Partido Nacionalista, alentó fuertemente a las mujeres para que ingresaran al partido lo cual muchas hicieron.

Al igual que con muchos otros conceptos, una vez que se considera el concepto de poder más de cerca, surgen preguntas fundamentales, tales como si una relación de poder es necesariamente una relación de subordinación y dominación, visión que dificulta identificar formas legítimas de ejercicio de poder. Para contribuir a su claridad, tanto conceptual como normativa, en lo que sigue propongo una nueva forma de concebir el poder. Mi argumento es que sólo podemos entender qué es el poder y cómo es ejercido una vez que entendemos su naturaleza esencialmente nouménica. Sostengo que el fenómeno real y general del poder se encuentra en el reino nouménico, es decir, en el espacio de las razones, entendido como el reino de las justificaciones. De acuerdo con ello, defiendo una noción del poder normativamente neutral, que nos permite distinguir formas de poder más específicas, tales como dominio, coerción o dominación. El análisis pretende abrir camino a una teoría crítica del poder. ; The same as with many other concepts, once one considers the concept of power more closely, fundamental questions arise, such as whether a power relation is necessarily a relation of subordination and domination, a view that makes it difficult to identify legitimate forms of the exercise of power. To contribute to conceptual as well as normative clarification, I suggest a novel way to conceive of power. I argue that we only understand what power is and how it is exercised once we understand its essentially noumenal nature. I claim that the real and general phenomenon of power is to be found in the noumenal realm, that is, in the space of reasons, understood as the realm of justifications. On that basis, I defend a normatively neutral notion of power that enables us to distinguish more particular forms of power, such as rule, coercion, or domination. The analysis aims to prepare the way for a critical theory of power.

El poder del capital hace aguas, y sus personeros lo saben. Por ello, más agresivas se tornan sus políticas defensivas. Si la puerta se entreabre, saben, terminará abierta… Y se defienden; de ahí su peligrosidad y ferocidad. Estos son tiempos de colapso civilizatorio y como tal hay que entenderlos y reflexionarlos.

*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il Controversial discussions about the nature of Power have characterized the study of Social Sciences, in general, and International Relations (IR) in particular. This seems logic - if we consider politics as a "game", their "participants" tend to develop a range of "skills", which allow them to assume different "roles", influencing thus in the "results". Thus, understanding the mechanisms by which this whole process ("the game") operates is intrinsic to the analysis of the outcomes, what explains why the revision of the concept of power has always been especially popular, including in recent times.Throughout this series we will review some academic approaches to the concept of power and its implementation in international politics. We will present in this first article the debates on the ontology of power (generally referred as "the faces of power"), and the ways in which this influenced the theoretical divisions in IR.In a second article we will introduce epistemological approaches, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions (such as today's mantra "hard vs. soft power"). Finally, we will deal in a third article with some methodological schemes for Power Analysis in IR, while indicating areas for possible innovation using cases of the "Arab Spring" as illustrations.Power, Powerful, Powerless: The Ontological DebateThe first ontological debate around the concept of power could be placed in the dispute between those who address it as an interaction and those who understand it as a resource.To this end, Weber constitutes our first station. He identifies power in a relationship as the ability to control the behavior of others, even against its will. Weber is focused on the context of that relationship (one's position vis-à-vis others), which determines the capacity of empowerment.1That led him to approach the topic of legitimacy by dividing between power (Macht) and authority (herrschaft, i.e. legitimate power), issue that will be reminded in next articles.Against Weber's integral approach came out Dahl with his renowned definition: "A has power over B, if A gets B do something that B would not otherwise do", which installed "officially" the controversy in political sciences on how power is operated. According to Dahl, that "something" must be based in a change of behavior produced by an observable act - possible to analyze and be measured. His attention was centered on the characteristics of the material resources (their Base, Means, Amount and Scope) and how they are utilized to get certain effects; however, power is still conceptualized as a relationship, since what needs to be clearly discernible is the conflict, the interaction. Non-observable acts, according to Dahl, should be included in a different concept, such as Influence.2The Realist tradition in IR, as well as many scholars in the Liberal tradition, adopted Dahl's definition as a starting point for their analysis on Power Relationships, and even went one step forward. They saw the context as secondary, since certain power bases are so critical that do not really depend on circumstances or specific nature of interaction. Consequently, for classical realists as Carr, Morgenthau and Aron, the military force is "that" observable act which represents the power of the actors (albeit in most of the cases the economic resources were a prerequisite, as explain Berenskoetter and Williams).3Against that mainstream idea, some scholars battled in the sixties and seventies by presenting two approaches which became popularly known as The Second Face of Power and The Third Face of Power. It is important to note that both approaches emerge from this ontological debate on "what is power?", but their main implications would be on the epistemological discussion on "how do we study power relations?", which helped to the development of Critical and Constructivist research programs, as we will see in the next article.In the first approach, Bachrach and Baratz argue that not always a concrete change in behavior needs to be detected to confirm the existence of a conflict in Power Relationships; it could be expressed through the "mobilization of bias", an "unmeasurable element".4 In the second approach, Lukes went beyond that idea and expressed that the mere existence of conflict is not a condition; in other words, the absence of conflict do not necessarily indicate the absence of Power Relationships.5 Lukes, as a neo-marxist building on Gramsci, introduced the structural sphere of the concept of Power. Powerful and powerless agents are characterized in function of their ability to shape the system through culture and education, which will determine the interests of the actors. Foucalt and Bourdieu, with their vision of Knowledge-as-Power6 and Symbolic Power7 , respectively, went in the same direction.More recently, a similar ontological debate could be found in terms of Power Over-Power To, presented by Barnett and Duvall. In the first one, they define power as "the capacity of the actor to determine his own actions", so the perspective is based on the actor itself; by contrast, in the second one a Power Relationship is needed.8 In that sense, the famous article of Nye about Soft Power, which would be broadly approached in the following articles, builds also on this issue - power could be understood as "the ability to get the outcomes one wants" (in the form of Power-To), but also as "the ability to influence the behaviors of others to get the outcomes one wants." (in the form of Power-Over)9.1 Max Weber, Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. (California: University of Berkeley, 1978. Edited by Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich).2Robert A. Dahl, "The concept of Power", Behavioral Science 2(3), July 1957, 201-2153Felix Berenskoetter and Michael .J. Williams. Power in World Politics. (NYC: Routledge, 2007), p.64Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz. "Two Faces of Power". The American Political Science Review 56 No4 (December 1962), 947-9525Stephen Lukes, "Power and the Battle for Hearts and Minds", Millennium, 33, No3 (2005), 477-4936Michael Foucalt, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77 (Brighton: Havester, 1980)7Pierre Bourdieu, Language & Symbolic Power (NYC : Polity Press, 2001)8Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics," International Organization 59, No1, (Winter 2005), p. 469Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics (NYC: PublicAffairs, 2004), p.2 Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.

*This series is the result of an adaptation of a paper presented as part of a seminar on "Theories and Research in International Relations" at Hebrew University, July 2012. Commentaries are welcome to daniel.wajner@mail.huji.ac.il In the first article of this series we have introduced the debates on the ontology of power and the ways in which these debates have influenced the theoretical divisions in International Relations (IR). In this second article we will present the main epistemological approaches of the different paradigms, leading to controversies on the mechanisms involved in the activation of power and its dimensions.Mechanisms of Power: different theoretical approachesOur first step is to address the questions "how power is activated" and "how power proceeds once it is activated". Scholars of diverse backgrounds proposed different approaches to answer those questions, leading us to the possibility of dealing with the controversies around the epistemology of power.According to the realist tradition, as explained previously, the regular way by which actors operate to assert control over the others and the system is coercion. Through the manipulation of material resources (either via sanctions or inducements), an actor could generate changes in the other's actor conduct even in contrary of their interests. As main representatives of the neo-realist paradigm, Waltz and Mearsheimer went one step forward when they affirmed that the distribution of military capabilities constitutes the best measurable expression of power1; and consequently, that the display of alterations in capabilities is what explains the main changes in decision-making.However, most of the neo-realists tend to accept another way to activate power that is based on the concept of socialization. Although renowned for being "mentioned" by Waltz himself, the concept is in fact developed by other scholars, among them Ikenberry and Kupchan, who move large away from Waltz. They explain the mechanisms and conditions of socialization using the neorealist scheme but, unlike Waltz, Ikenberry and Kupchan incorporate the "normative" element as "a different aspect of power" which guides the state's behavior.2 Moreover, they assume a pseudo-liberal perspective on the role of specific agents (elites) in providing systemic change, undermining the unitary actor assumption and thus abandoning the structuralist approach that neo-realists have usually adopted.Ikenberry and Kupchan seek to describe how hegemonic powers have a tendency to activate processes of socialization, through which secondary countries internalize the norms of the hegemon. According to them, socialization occurs primarily when countries suffer the fragmentation of internal coalitions (especially after wars and political crisis), stimulating certain elites to embrace the norms that the hegemon is articulating. If the receptivity and realignment of the elites is linked with coercive power, norms could be consolidated as well as the policies in line with them (albeit this order may vary depending on whether the socialization is carried through normative persuasion, external inducement or internal reconstruction).3 It is important to note that this is a "one-player" argument; the authors say little about "real" cases - where there are many candidates to hegemony and the socialization processes are "in competition". This appears as a very interesting research agenda for the future.The eighties and nineties developed other interesting realist approaches who explore ideational elements in power analysis. One of them is the Krasner's approach on institutional power, which consists of a "metapower" that has indirect control over outcomes by changing the setting of the confrontation.4 Baldwin went also in that direction by embedding what he called the paradox of unrealized power, in which the will of using the power is a resource by itself.5 Likewise, Walt´s theory about the balance of threat adds aggressive intentions as a main variable, what makes power not a function of material resources but of inter-subjective factors.6 The three went clearly beyond neorealist assumptions.Of course the incorporation of normative elements to analyze power relationships did not only emerge in the realist tradition, but also in the liberal one, the natural candidate. The most famous liberal twist came recently from Nye's soft power concept.7 Accepting coercion" and inducement as two relevant forms of displaying power, Nye suggests co-opting as "a third dimension of power" which affects behavior without being commanded through threats or payments, but through attracting with indirect resources (such as values, culture and policies). This "soft" version of power, argues the prestigious scholar, becomes crucial in a global information era in which "winning hearts and minds" matters more and more; an era in which hard sower and soft power are required to be connected (in what he calls smart power) in order to enable the legitimate use of power, as the war in Irak showed to the United States.Is not casual that Nye writes from a (North)American perspective in a period of time in which their legitimacy was so questioned; anyhow, his concept was rapidly attributed to other situations. Despite the popularity of Nye's scheme, the theoretical contribution is still weak. As Guzzini argued years before, it is clear that "power alone is not what we are looking for"8- what is lacking is an approach that could address the causal mechanisms of the different types of power and could identify their devices once they are activated.Guzzini himself will provide an answer to that challenge, by recommending the separation of the two types of power structural power and interactionist power in two different concepts: governance and power.9 Citing economical-rationalist terms, this new dyadic conceptualization examines the interactions between systemic rules (market constraints) and the decisions of the agents (strategic behaviors), in a power analysis. As a constructivist, Guzzini sustains that in this (inter-subjective) relationship of power, the actors change interests and identities, stressing the value of legitimate power (authority) in enabling "a widing realm of possible (in political action)".10 Despite Guzzini paved the way to other constructivist approaches11, he still leaves us with the confusion between the two different stages of the argumentative chain: the first one based on the agent-structure distinction, and the second one on the material-ideal division.Barnett and Duvall would release us from that confusion by presenting their taxonomy of four dimensions of power.12 It combines the two variables presented above with different names; on one side, the expression of the power (actor's interactions vs. structural constitution), and on the other side the specificity of the power relations (direct connection vs. diffuse relation).13 The analytic combination leads us to four types in which power operates: compulsory, institutional, structural and productive. Therefore, while in a simultaneous power analysis, one side would explain what is "possible" (closer to the Compulsory corner), the other one would explain what is "legitimate-desirable" (closer to the Productive corner).14Once this has been approached, the next challenge consists of transferring these theoretical understanding to a methodological scheme for power analysis in IR. This will be addressed on the next and last part of the series.1 John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great power Politics (NYC: Norton, 2001); Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics. (NYC: McGraw-Hill, 1979)2 John G. Ikenberry and Charles A. Kupchan, "Socialization and hegemonic power", International Organization 44, No3 (Summer 1990), p. 284.3 Ibid., p. 290-2914Stephen D. Krasner, "Regimes and the Limits of Realism: Regimes as Autonomous Variables", International Organization 36 (Spring 1982), 497-5105 David A. Baldwin, Paradoxes of Power (NYC: Basil Blackwell, 1989).6 Stephen Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987)7 Joseph S. Nye, Soft Power- The Means to Success in World Politics.8 Stefano Guzzini, "Structural power: the limits of neorealist power analysis", International Organization 47, No3 (Summer 1993), p.478.9 Ibid.,, p.471.10 Stefano Guzzini, "Structural power: the limits of neorealist power analysis", p.477.11 In that sense, Hurd presents a similar conclusion to pose legitimacy as an ordering principle at IR, building also on Weber´s approach at the beginning. Another concept that might be reminded in constructivist literature is Risse´s "normative power", that although lacks the "material side", it contributed to highlight the devices of the "logic of truth-seeking arguing" (considered as "the power of the better argument").12 Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, "Power in International Politics", 48-57.13 Although is true that Barnett-Duvall do not present this as hard power vs. soft power, with the examples given it is possible to infer that applies a similar logic.14 Ibid., p.44. Fabian Daniel Wajner is a Research and Teaching Assistant at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Department of International Relations) and a Fellow of the Liweranth Center for Latin America Studies.

[ES] Uno de los aspectos menos estudiados de la cultura política del Brasil es su tasa extraordinariamente baja de confianza interpersonal. Después de revisar la literatura sobre confianza interpersonal, el presente artículo examina el nivel brasileño de confianza social en perspectiva regional y global. Analiza datos de sondeos recientes y demuestra que el mejor predictor de confianza es la educación, una área en que Brasil presenta un desarrollo inferior al de sus vecinos. El artículo también sugiere una agenda de investigación futura para estudiar este aspecto singular de la cultura política brasileña, dentro de la cual las variables de desigualdad social y de exposición a la televisión tendrían papeles importantes. Tal agenda de investigación es de gran consecuencia dado el papel importante de la confianza interpersonal, tanto para el desarrollo económico como para la consolidación democrática. ; [EN] One of the most understudied aspects of Brazilian political culture is the country's extraordinarily low rates of interpersonal trust. After reviewing the literature on interpersonal trust, this paper provides regional and global perspective on Brazil's level of social trust. It examines data from recent public opinion surveys in Brazil and demonstrates that the strongest predictor of trust is education, an area in which Brazil lags behind its neighbors. The paper also suggests a future research agenda for investigating this unique aspect of Brazilian political culture, in which the variables of inequality and television exposure would play important roles. Such a research agenda is critical given the important role played by trust in both economic development and democratic consolidation.

En Colombia, hay antecedentes históricos de colusión entre grupos paramilitares y empresas privadas, por ejemplo, entre la industria bananera y las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia —AUC—. En 2007, la empresa norteamericana Chiquita Brands admitió ante el Departamento de Justicia de los Estados Unidos haber financiado a las AUC, y en 2012, Raúl Hasbún entregó a la Fiscalía General de la Nación una lista de más de doscientos bananeros y ganaderos de Urabá que, según él, financiaron a las AUC voluntariamente. En la actualidad, el grupo sucesor de las AUC, las Autodefensas Gaitanistas de Colombia —AGC— es el grupo armado ilegal dominante en el Urabá y, particularmente, en los cuatro municipios del eje bananero. Después de la firma del acuerdo de paz con las FARC-EP en 2016, ha habido una persecución a líderes sociales, reclamantes de tierra y defensores de derechos humanos en Colombia; ejemplos de esto son los asesinatos de Hernán Bedoya y Mario Castaño por parte de las AGC en 2017 en el Bajo Atrato, Chocó —muy cercano geográficamente al eje bananero— y el ataque contra Germán Graciano Posso, el representante legal de la Comunidad de Paz de San José de Apartadó. Todo lo anterior me llevó a la pregunta de investigación para la presente tesis: ¿existe evidencia de que las empresas bananeras como Unibán, Banacol y Banafrut tienen nexos con las AGC para obtener beneficios ilegales de dichos nexos y —en caso afirmativo— qué factores explican esta relación? El capítulo uno muestra evidencia empírica sobre dichas relaciones. Primero, hice un análisis de las condiciones socioeconómicas del eje bananero en las que las AGC se han insertado y han logrado un control del territorio y de la población. En segundo lugar, muestro evidencia de que hay coordinación y colusión entre la fuerza pública y las AGC a partir de tres indicaciones. Dentro de estas dinámicas político-económicas, la industria bananera es una de las más grandes de la región. Existen algunos indicios que dan cuenta de una posible continuación en las relaciones entre la industria bananera y un grupo al margen de la ley. En primer lugar, trabajadores de los cuatro municipios del eje bananero han visto a miembros de las AGC reunirse con los administradores de las fincas. En segundo lugar, otros voceros de la comunidad afirman que, cuando hay robos en las fincas, las AGC realizan la investigación y asesinan a aquellas personas que consideran culpables. Por último, hay una persecución sistemática al Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Agroindustria de Colombia —SINTRACOL—. Los capítulos que siguen apuntan a rastrear los incentivos que pueden explicar las relaciones. El capítulo dos rastrea la política económica internacional a partir de cuatro aspectos: los Principios Rectores de Empresas y Derechos Humanos, las empresas calificadoras de crédito, el papel de las divisas y la opacidad de flujos de capital. El capítulo tres rastrea la capacidad del Estado de llevar a juicio a empresas que recurren a grupos paramilitares a partir de la "impunidad política". El capítulo cuatro demuestra cómo los discursos emitidos por altos políticos pueden ser interiorizados por los empresarios bananeros y, eventualmente, justificar el uso de la violencia para asegurar la vida y la propiedad. Por último, el capítulo cinco analiza la estructura corporativa de las empresas Unibán, Banacol y Banafrut y los mecanismos de debida diligencia a derechos humanos. La metodología que llevé a cabo en esta investigación es el rastreo de procesos, la cual somete una serie de hipótesis a escrutinio a partir de diferentes evidencias. Realicé más de treinta entrevistas a pobladores del eje bananero, y también a políticos, economistas, representantes de las empresas bananeras, defensores de los derechos humanos, entre otros individuos y especialistas. Contrasté sus afirmaciones con documentos públicos, como los informes de riesgo de la Defensoría del Pueblo, estadísticas del Gobierno, informes de ONG y artículos periodísticos. Palabras clave: Paramilitares, empresas multinacionales, violencia antisindical, derechos humanos, violencia política, Standard & Poors, Moody's Rating Service, impunidad política. ; In Colombia, there are precedents of collusion between paramilitary groups and private companies, such as between the banana industry and the "United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia —AUC, for their initials in Spanish—. In 2007, the U.S. Department of Justice fined Chiquita Brands for having voluntarily financed the AUC, and in 2012, ex-paramilitary leader Raúl Hasbún gave a list of more than two hundred banana and ranching businesspeople in Urabá who he says voluntarily financed the AUC to the public prosecutor's office. Today, the successor group to the AUC, the "Gaitain Self-Defense Forces of Colombia —AGC, for their initials in Spanish— is the dominant illegal armed group in Urabá and, in particular, in the four municipalities of the banana axis. After the signing of the Peace Accord with the FARC-EP in 2016, there has been a persecution of social leaders, land reclaimants, and human rights defenders in Colombia; examples of these are the assassinations of Hernán Bedoya and Maria Castaño by the AGC in 2017 in Bajo Atrato, Chocó —very close geographically to the banana axis— and the attack against Germán Graciano Posso, the legal representative of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó. All this brings me to question of investigation for this thesis: is there evidence that companies such as Unibán, Banacol, and Banafrut have links with the AGC to obtain illegal benefits and —if so— what factors can explain these relationships? The first chapter shows the evidence for such relations. First, I did an analysis of the socioeconomic conditions of the banana axis in which the AGC have inserted themselves and have achieved control of the territory and the population. Second, I show the evidence of three indicators of coordination and collusion between the armed forces and the AGC. In the midst of these politico-economic dynamics, the banana industry is one of the biggest of the region. Workers from four municipalities of the banana axis have seen members of the AGC meeting with administrators of the plantations. Representatives of the community have affirmed that, after robberies in the plantations, the AGC carry out the investigation and assassinate those people who they consider guilty. There is a systematic persecution of the National Union of Workers of the Agroindustry of Colombia —SINTRACOL—. The following chapters look to trace incentives that could explain the relationships. Chapter two traces four aspects of international political economy: The Guiding Principles of Business and Human Rights, credit ratings agencies, the role of reserve currencies, and the opacity with which capital can flow across borders. Chapter three traces "political impunity" of the State to prosecute companies that resort to paramilitary groups. Chapter four demonstrates that the discourses of high-level politicization can be internalized by banana businesspeople and, eventually, justify the use of violence to assure life and property. Lastly, chapter five analyzes the corporate structure of the companies Unibán, Banacol, and Banafrut and the mechanisms of due diligence of human rights. The methodology used in this investigation is process tracing, which scrutinizes a series of hypothesis by analyzing evidence. I carried out more than 30 interviews to habitants of the banana axis, as well as politicians, economists, representatives of banana companies, human rights defenders, among other individuals and specialists. I contrasted their affirmations with public documents, such as Risk Reports from the Ombudsman's Office, government statists, reports from NGOs, and news articles. There is a lot of evidence that banana companies coordinate and collaborate with the AGC, and there are also incentives in international political economy, state capacity, political culture, and corporate structure that can explain these relationships. Keywords: Paramilitaries, multinational corporations, anti-union violence, human rights, political violence, Standard & Poor's, Moody's Rating Service, political impunity ; Línea de Investigación: Teoría Política ; Maestría

The authors of the article examine historical regularities in the evolution of power technologies in the context of non-positivistic philosophical ideas of the 20th century. These philosophical beliefs imply an intuitive understanding of power, deal with the formation of psychological mechanisms of the domination-subordination relations and describe their development. The authors pay special attention to magical and sacred aspects at the early stages of political development, as well as the subsequent formation of power structures and organization of administrative functions. At the present stage of social development, the digitalization of state and political activity is of great importance. The forming order of domination and subordination, as well as power relations, initially comprise magical elements allowing a person or a group of individuals to manipulate others' behavior. Modern digital technologies find their origins in centuries-long traditions either consciously or unconsciously. The need for managerial influence overcoming social chaos is objective. As a result, the state rationalizes the management of society, organizes its administrative functions and develops a more advanced technology of political power. However, people's dependence on technology is connected with decreasing interpersonal cooperation, growing individual dependence on power and other negative experiences. The modern humanities aim to determine regularities in the evolution of political power technologies and overcome the negative consequences of modern power technologization.

The concept of the existence of the Soft Power, developed by Joseph Nye, and which is based upon the resources that deepen the power of a State, may be identified today with other actors of the international scenario and the international organizations. The dynamics of the international cooperation, within these organizations, seem to accompany the existence of this type of power. And it is in this way that the phenomenon of the Francophonie has turned out to be a breeding ground for the study of a model of Soft Power which is exerted in the institutional level within organizations like the International Organization of la Francophonie – OIF – and in relation to the United Nations Organizations – UNO – and its operators like UNESCO, and in the bilateral level between States, for example, in the relationship of bilateral cooperation between France and Colombia. In order to verify such a statement, this research shows both a quantitative and qualitative reading of the actions which make evident the existence of such a type of power which turns out to be essential. ; Peer reviewed