Suchergebnisse

Goodson, L. P.: The 2008 elections. - S. 5-15 Shah, A.: Praetorianism and terrorism. - S. 16-25 Ganguly, S.: The burden of history. - S. 26-31 Khan, Z.: The media take center stage. - S. 32-37 Zaidi, S. A.: An emerging civil society? - S. 38-40

Guyana and Suriname both re-assumed the path to democracy in the early 1990s. Guyana had from 1968 to 1992 experienced an authoritarian regime with the People's National Congress (PNC), led by Forbes Burnham, maintaining power by rigged elections and the support of the security forces. In Suriname, on the other hand, the elected government of Prime Minister Henck Arron was overthrown by a military coup in 1980. This article traces the establishment of authoritarianism in these two countries and examines the factors which propelled each country towards the restoration of democracy. The central argument is that authoritarianism in Guyana resulted from the success of Forbes Burnham in subordinating the military to party rule while the military take-over in Suriname resulted from the mismanagement of civil-military relations by the government of Henck Arron. However, maintaining an authoritarian regime proved costly in both cases. The need for external aid rendered the regimes susceptible to foreign pressure for a return to free and fair elections. All of this occurred in a new hemispheric context shaped by the end of the Cold War, the stated goal of the United States to have the area become a zone of democracy, and impending foreign military intervention to restore the ousted Aristide government to power in Haiti. Resumen: Redemocratización en Guyana y Suriname: Comparaciones CríticasTanto Guyana como Suriname retomaron el camino hacia la democracia a comienzos de la década de los noventa. Desde 1968 hasta 1992, Guyana tuvo un régimen autoritario con el Congreso Nacional del Pueblo (People's National Congress o PNC), liderado por Forbes Burnham, que se mantuvo en el poder gracias a la manipulación de las elecciones y al apoyo de las fuerzas de seguridad. En Suriname, por otro lado, el gobierno electo del primer ministro Henck Arron fue derrocado por un golpe de estado militar en el año 1980. Este artículo describe el establecimiento del autoritarismo en estos dos países y examina los factores que empujaron a cada uno de ellos hacia la restauración de la democracia. El argumento central es que el autoritarismo en Guyana fue consecuencia del éxito de Forbes Burnham a la hora de subordinar el ejército al partido, mientras que en Suriname el golpe de estado militar fue el resultado de la negligencia en el manejo de las relaciones civiles-militares por parte del gobierno de Henck Arron. Sin embargo, el mantenimiento de un régimen autoritario demostró ser costoso en ambos casos. La necesidad de ayuda externa hizo que ambos regímenes fueran vulnerables a la presión extranjera a favor de un retorno a las elecciones libres y justas. Todo esto ocurrió en un contexto hemisférico delineado por el fin de la Guerra Fría, el claro objetivo de los Estados Unidos de hacer que el área se convirtiera en una zona de democracia, y una inminente intervención militar para restaurar en el gobierno de Haití al derrocado Aristide.

This paper examines a set of conditions that have allowed the existence and de-velopment of praetorianism, and the absence of effective civilian control over the military in Venezuela. This study is based on the analysis of the theoretical parameters laid out by Domingo Irwin, S.E. Finer, in contrast to the works of U.S. author, Gene Bigler.

Based on the example of the Turkish military's involvement in the country's economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country's economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country's business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country's economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country's economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.

Based on the example of the Turkish military's involvement in the country's economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country's economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country's business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country's economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country's economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms. ; Remiantis Turkijos kariuomenės dalyvavimo šalies ekonomikoje pavyzdžiu, straipsnyje siekiama papildyti pretorionizmo koncepciją ir išryškinti netiesioginio pretorionizmo mechanizmus. Turkijos kariuomenė vaidina svarbų vaidmenį šalies ekonomikoje, o kariuomenės pensijų fondas OYAK laikomas vienu iš šalies verslo gigantų. Ekonominė veikla atveria galimybę išlaikyti neproporcingą kariuomenės autonomiją, silpnina civilinę kontrolę, užtikrina papildomą kariuomenės įtaką politikoje ir skatina pretorionizmo mechanizmų atsiradimą. Straipsnyje siekiama suvokti naujus visuomenės ir kariuomenės sąveikos reiškinius ir tendencijas, kai dėl kariuomenės dalyvavimo šalies ekonomikoje keičiasi pretorionizmo koncepcija, atsiranda naujų netiesioginių intervencijos į valstybės politiką būdų, nes Turkijos kariuomenės kontroliuojami verslo subjektai, naudodamiesi privilegijuota pozicija šalies ekonomikoje, korupciniais mechanizmais, daro netiesioginį poveikį politinei valstybės sistemai. Šitaip kariuomenės verslumas transformuoja pretorionizmo koncepcinę struktūrą, papildo tiesioginius intervencinius veiksmus netiesioginėmis formomis, tokiomis kaip korupcija, ekonominis dominavimas, ekonominių reformų iškraipymas.

"Mauritania: The Institutionalization of Military Supremacy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Askeri darbelerin sık rastlandığı Batı Afrika alt bölgesinde, bu darbelerin açıklanmasına dair pek çok iç siyasal faktör öne çıkarılmıştır. Bununla birlikte, eski sömürge ülkelerin siyasi, askeri ve ekonomik olarak dışa bağımlılıkları bu ülkeleri dış nüfuza da açık hale getirmektedir. Nitekim eski sömürgeci güçler veya güçlü devletlerin, gelişmekte olan ülkelerle kurdukları eşitsiz ilişki bilerek veya bilmeyerek istikrarsızlığa neden olabilmektedir. Rejimin durumu, etnik mücadele, pretoryanizm, ordunun iç güvenlik konularında görevlendirilmesi ve kaynakların dengesiz dağılımı gibi sivil-asker ilişkilerini etkileyen faktörlere dış etkenlerin de dahil edilmesi söz konusu ilişki dikkate alındığında elzem görünmektedir. İç dinamiklerin dış etkilere karşı savunmasız hale getirdiği bir ülkede dış aktörler siyasal krizlerde etkili şekilde rol alabilmektedirler. Ordunun eğitimi, yabancı askeri danışmanlar, dış yardımlar, yabancı askeri üs ve yatırım gibi araçlar, ordunun siyasete yönelik müdahalesine destek veya engel teşkil edebilecek bir dış nüfuzu üretmektedir. Dolayısıyla ordu mensuplarının dış sosyalizasyonu, sivil-asker ilişkileri analizlerinde dikkate alınması gereken bir unsur olarak belirmektedir. Bu çalışmada Liberya'da 1980 yılında gerçekleşen askeri darbe örneği üzerinden dış aktör olarak ABD'nin rolü ve etkisi sorgulanacaktır. ; In the sub-region of West Africa, where military coups are common, many domestic political factors have been brought forward to explain these coups. However, the political, military and economic dependence of the former colonial countries on the outside makes them vulnerable to external influence. As a matter of fact, the unequal relationship established by the former colonial powers or powerful states with the developing countries can cause instability deliberately or unknowingly. The inclusion of external factors in the factors affecting civil-military relations, such as the state of the regime, ethnic struggle, preterianism, the deployment of the army on internal security issues and the unbalanced distribution of resources, is essential when considering this relationship. In a country where internal dynamics make it vulnerable to external influences, external actors can play an active role in political crises. The training of the military, foreign military advisers, foreign aid, foreign military base and investment instruments produce an external influence that may constitute support or obstacle to the military's intervention in politics. Therefore, the external socialization of the members of the army appears to be a factor to be considered in the analysis of civil-military relations. In this study, the role and impact of the US as an external actor will be questioned through the example of military coup in 1980 in Liberia.

"Democratic governance constitutes an enduring challenge for Africa's most populous country, Nigeria. The book reflects on the form, trajectory and content of democratic governance in post-military Nigeria from 1999. Nigeria's democracy remains fragile, conflict sensitive and possibly reversible as the legacy of praetorianism and illiberal political culture constrain the progress and opportunities for democratic growth and consolidation in the country. Progress and expectations are widely disconnected. The policy recommendations contained in the book provides invaluable pathway for reconstituting institutions, politics, power and governance essential for promoting democratic stability and growth in Nigeria"--

In the twentieth century, Argentina has been beset with the problem of praetorianism-a condition in which military officers play a principal or predominant role in the political system. For the last 30 years, civilian governments have followed various strategies for establishing civilian control, with uniformly disastrous results. Since 1983, the Alfonsfn government has instituted a new approach, a strategy of "doctrinal change" within the armed forces; the strategy aims at incorporating the norms of Western military professionalism and respect for democracy. Although the present government has done better than its predecessors, the final prognosis is still guarded.

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.

Praetorianism is an administration system where the military takes an active role in political decisions openly or covertly. The purpose of this study is to determine the levels of school principals' praetorianistic behavior. This research was designed with a descriptive scanning model. The target universe of the research includes 370 school directors working in state and private secondary schools in 25 districts of Ankara. In the research, the entire universe was reached and a "complete counting" technique was used. Data of the study were obtained using the praetorianism scale developed by the researcher. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistical methods. According to the results of the study, the most praetorianistic behavior of the school principals' is 'helpfulness'. However, 'authoritarianism', 'sordidness', 'compelling', 'negative criticism', and 'orientation' are the praetorianistic behaviors of school principals. The praetorianistic behaviors of school principals differ significantly according to the variables of gender, educational status, school type, and sector. On the other hand, it has been determined that professional tenure does not differentiate between praetorianistic behaviors. ; Praetoryanizm, askeri veya sivil otoritelerin siyasi ve sosyal kararlarda açık veya gizli olarak aktif bir rol aldığı vesayete dayalı bir yönetim sistemidir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, okul müdürlerinin praetoryanist davranış biçimlerini gösterme düzeylerinin belirlenmesidir. Bu araştırma, betimsel tarama modeli ile tasarlanmıştır. Araştırmanın hedef evrenini, Ankara ilinin 25 ilçesinde resmi ve özel ortaöğretim okullarında görev yapmakta olan 370 okul müdürü oluşturmaktadır. Araştırmada evrenin tamamına ulaşılarak, "tam sayım" tekniği kullanılmıştır. Çalışmanın verileri, araştırmacı tarafından geliştirilen praetoryanizm ölçeği kullanılarak elde edilmiştir. Veriler, betimsel istatistik yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma sonuçlarına göre, okul müdürlerinin en çok sahip oldukları praetoryanist davranışın 'yardımseverlik' olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Bununla birlikte 'otoriterlik', 'yararcılık', 'zorlayıcılık', 'olumsuz eleştiri', 'sınırlayıcılık ve 'yönlendiricilik' de okul müdürlerinin sahip olduğu praetoryanist davranışlardandır. Okul müdürlerinin praetoryanist davranışları, cinsiyet, eğitim durumu, okul türü ve eğitim kolu (sektör) değişkenlerine göre anlamlı bir şekilde farklılaşmaktadır. Buna karşın mesleki kıdemin praetoryanist davranışları farklılaştırmadığı belirlenmiştir.

Chapter 1. Introduction. Rethinking political transition in southern Africa: threats and challenges to democratic consolidation (Tendai Chari) -- Part I. Military and Political Transition -- Chapter 2. Praetorianism and political transitions in Lesotho: A critique of the Lesotho military (Dylan Yanano Mangani) -- Chapter 3. The Military and politics in Zimbabwe, 1970s to 2018 (Gilbert Tarugarira) -- Chapter 4. Political leadership in Zimbabwe in the aftermath of the military coup. Change without change? (Mazorodze Washington) -- Chapter 5. Military orchestrated leadership change in Zimbabwe and the quest for political transition (Patrick Dzimiri) -- Chapter 6. Political transition and (anti)democratic culture in Zimbabwe: Press discourses on the November 2017 Military Coup (Tendai Chari) -- Part II. Electoral Politics and Democratisation -- Chapter 7. Fresh presidential election in Malawi, June 2020: Implications on Malawi's democracy (Tiyesere Mercy Chikapa- Jamali).

Theshrinking political arena in Africa,1caused by the authoritarian practices of presidential monarchs, has more often than not undermined the process of legitimation, as those who have not 'fallen into things' resort to unconstitutional means to gain access to political and economic kingdoms. Hitherto, political competition has become a raw power struggle, partly as a result of the absence of stable institutions for channelling and ordering politics,2and partly because political leadership is so divided that it has failed to give form to statecraft. The failure of the first generation of African politicians has consequently encouraged the military to intervene and to sack them. But the African army has also experienced divisions and factions. Its record has not been impressive. Thus, in most African countries, the political situation has deteriorated progressively to praetorianism.3