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Departing from mainstream economics, surveys rst show that individuals do care about fairness in their demand for redistribution. They also show that the cultural environment in which individuals grow up a¤ects heir preferences about redistribution. Including these two components of the demand for redistribution, we propose in this article a mechanism of cultural transmission of the taste for fairness. Consistently with the process of socialization, the young preferences depend on collective choices through observation and imitation. Observation during childhood of redistributive policies far from what is perceived as fair results then in a lower taste for fairness. As a consequence, the model exhibits a multiplicity of history- dependent steady states which may account for the huge di¤erence of redistribution observed between Europe and the United States.

Many Latin American countries democratized between 1975 and 2000, and research has confirmed that contemporary Latin Americans hold democratic political attitudes. Using America's Barometer surveys of 18 countries from 2008, we examine the commitment of Latin Americans to three democratic attitudes -- preference for democracy over other forms of government, support for general participation rights, and tolerance for participation by system critics. We also explore the impact of personal resources, crime and corruption, evaluation of system performance, social capital, and the sociopolitical context on democratic attitudes. A preference for democracy and support for citizens' participation rights are strong, but tolerance is lower than the other attitudes. Evidence is found for acculturation -- that Latin Americans acquire democratic attitudes by living in democratic regimes and through education. Adapted from the source document.

Many Latin American countries democratized between 1975 and 2000, and research has confirmed that contemporary Latin Americans hold democratic political attitudes. Using AmericasBarometer surveys of 18 countries from 2008, the authors examine the commitment of Latin Americans to three democratic attitudes - preference for democracy over other forms of government, support for general participation rights, and tolerance for participation by system critics. We also explore the impact of personal resources, crime and corruption, evaluation of system performance, social capital, and the sociopolitical context on democratic attitudes. A preference for democracy and support for citizens' participation rights are strong, but tolerance is lower than the other attitudes. Evidence is found for acculturation - that Latin Americans acquire democratic attitudes by living in democratic regimes and through education. (GIGA)

This article proposes a theoretical framework to explain the negotiated federal outcomes in countries undergoing regime change and investigates its applicability to a diverse set of countries -- Brazil, Russia, South Africa, and Spain. It considers the intersection of reform strategies, the normative and organizational preferences of constituencies enlisted for regime negotiations, and the conflicts associated with regime change. Two key variables -- the balance of power and violence predictions -- translate actors' preferences into federal institutional outcomes. A comparative case study analysis evaluates the argument and demonstrates the conditions under which regime reform strategies have a more direct impact on intergovernmental bargaining venues and why some shifts in the balance of power have led to more substantive institutional concessions. Adapted from the source document.

Siblings are a potentially important source of political socialization. Influence is common, especially among younger siblings and those close in age, who tend to interact most frequently. This suggests that the positions of an individual's next-older sibling will hold particular sway. In policy questions with a gender gap, then, those whose immediately older sibling is a sister will be more likely to absorb the typically female preference; those born after a brother, the male preference. Evidence from the United States shows that this pattern holds for general left–right orientation as well as for the preferred balance between public and private sectors. Just as American women are more likely to lean left and to see government intervention positively, so are Americans whose next-older sibling is female.

Do ballot measures affect congressional voting behavior? Examining the issues of gay marriage, campaign finance, and minimum wage, we test if the results of statewide ballot initiatives inform congressional roll call votes on legislation occupying the same issue space. Theoretically, we expect signals from ballot measures—which provide precise information about the preferences of a member's voting constituency—reduce policy "shirking" by members. Our findings across the three issues indicate that ballot initiative outcomes alter the floor votes of members of the House, reducing legislative shirking, but we find that the educative effect of ballot measures is attenuated in the Senate due to institutional factors. We attribute the positive effect in House to the precise signal ballot measures provide members about the preferences of the median voter in their district.

This article contributes to understanding whether there is a thematic gap between journalists' and consumers' preferences, and whether the media converge or diverge across nations. The concurrent news choices of journalists and consumers in 11 online newspapers from six countries in Western Europe and Latin America were examined. A comparison of the most prominently displayed stories on the homepages of each of these sites and the most frequently clicked stories on these sites shows a pattern of convergence across divergence: A thematic gap in the online news choices of journalists and consumers that is shared by all sites despite different levels of preference for public affairs reportage (news about political, economic, and international topics). The theoretical implications and social relevance of these findings are discussed.

We use surveys of British businesses to test the relative influence of monetary and 'real' economic factors on private sector interests towards European monetary integration. We show that firms trading with the European Union have a preference for a fixed exchange rate (in both the European Monetary System and euro membership). On the other hand, firms not trading with the rest of the EU do not hold such preferences. In addition, firms with parent companies in other EU member states favour euro membership. However, contrary to conventional theories of political economy, firms trading more widely (that is, extra-European trade) also prefer euro membership, despite being less dependent on intra-EU trade. Moreover, in later surveys, exporting firms appear to prefer a strong pound, contrary to received wisdom.

The European Union (EU) is built on the federalist principle of subsidiarity, which we consider in the policy field of financial reporting. We attempt to answer the question, whether the current accounting regulation in Europe is sensibly balanced between centralized and decentralized decision making. Drawing on comparative accounting research to identify criteria for "local preferences," we conclude that local solutions currently remain preferable for small and medium-sized companies. For them, a centralized solution would result in additional costs for at least some member states and their residents. Large international firms, in contrast, face an increasingly integrated capital market and rather need a central solution as currently implemented by the EU. However, recent developments in corporate finance may align local preferences on accountancy in the future. Adapted from the source document.

The goal of this article is to investigate the conditions under which ASEAN states are more likely to pursue regional economic integration, namely, a series of ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) agreements/ protocols. Adopting Putnam's two-level-games model, this article examines the influences of domestic politics, political elites' preferences, economic performance, & external impacts. Through the construction of a set of hypotheses, this article investigates five AFTA agreements/ protocols & the conditions of ASEAN states during the 19922003 period. The findings indicate that political leaders' preferences have played a pivotal role in the development of the AFTA. Economic performance & domestic support in individual states has also affected the AFTA. The close link between AFTA agreements & external impacts reveals that the AFTA's inherent nature is defensive. Adapted from the source document.

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics ; There is growing evidence on the importance of institutions for growth but limited understanding of the mechanisms of institutional divergence, persistence and change. Focusing on the judicial, starting from formalism indicators developed under the legal origin theory, but following different explanatory paths, we propose a thought experiment assessing reasonable preferences of judges and lawyers regarding formalism. We find a striking divergence, with lawyers showing preferences for high, and judges for low, formalism. This may generate institutional conflict, resistance to reforms and a dynamic equilibrium at an inefficient level. The analysis offers paths for reform, potentially addressing limitations of institutional approaches.

This article investigates support for redistributive land policy in contemporary South Africa. From a large survey conducted in 2004, the author assesses whether contemporary policy preferences reflectedegocentric instrumentalism– direct and immediate profit from redistributive policies – orsymbolic justice– non-instrumental concern for contemporary and historical injustices against groups. Analysis of the data decidedly favours the symbolic justice hypothesis. Land redistribution is a symbolic issue for most black South Africans, grounded in values connected to land as a symbol and in concern for the historical injustices of apartheid and colonialism. Because land policy preferences are so strongly associated with concerns for historical injustices against groups, the land issue remains volatile and resistant to 'simple' economic solutions. Land is thus an example of historical injustices colliding with demands for contemporary fairness.

This article draws upon archival sources, architectural trade publications and contemporary social science to trace the design and reception of the 'cell', a functionalist, rational apartment that was the building block of apartment complexes that sprung up all over France during the 1950s and 1960s. I argue that French Modernist architects, shaped by both professional and socio‐political concerns, believed their streamlined interiors to be key to building a classless society and restoring French greatness and thus rejected the dwelling preference and expertise of French homemakers when designing their homes. Nevertheless, Frenchwomen tried to ignore architectural dictates when it came to homemaking, and ultimately, in a changed political climate, their preferences convinced the national housing ministry to redefine its norms and standards for apartments.