Stereotypy i uprzedzenia etniczne w spoleczenstwie amerykanskim
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 241-255
ISSN: 0023-5172
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 241-255
ISSN: 0023-5172
In: Kultura i społeczeństwo: kwartalnik, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 63-82
ISSN: 0023-5172
In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 11, S. 217-229
ISSN: 1643-0328
In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 17, S. 11-35
ISSN: 1643-0328
Extensive research on native speakers' attitudes towards foreign accents and their users carried out in immigrant-receiving countries such as, for example, Great Britain, the United States and Australia (e.g. Kalin and Rayko 1978; Lippi-Green 1997; Munro et al. 2006), has allowed specialists to formulate several cross-cultural generalizations concerning the perception and evaluation of accented speech. For instance, according to Lindemann (2002, 2010), the listeners' attitude towards foreign speakers, shaped by cultural stereotypes and prejudices, plays a crucial role in comprehending accented speech. It is also often claimed (e.g. Said 2006; Lev-Ari and Keysar 2010) that a heavy foreign accent has a negative impact on the listeners' assessment of speakers' personality traits, such as credibility, intelligence and competence. Moreover, this negative accent-based social evaluation, as shown by Lippi-Green (1997), might even lead to various kinds of foreign speakers' discrimination. Contemporary Poland, where Polish-speaking foreigners are still a relative rarity, constitutes an interesting and yet unexplored ground for testing the universality of claims concerning the relationship between the listeners' cultural prejudices and their evaluations of foreign speakers' accents, as well as personality traits. In this paper we report on an empirical study in which 40 Polish university students assessed 11 samples of foreign-accented Polish, both in terms of accent features and personal characteristics ascribed to the speakers, in order to find out whether these judgements are affected by Polish listeners' attitudes towards the speakers' cultural background and knowledge of their nationality. The results of the study indicate that, on the whole, the speakers' nationality does not significantly affect the participants' evaluation of foreign speakers' accent features (i.e. comprehensibility, foreign-accentedness and acceptability). Such relationship can, however, be found in the attribution of personal characteristics to foreign speakers, which, to some extent, is influenced by the information concerning their nationality and listeners' cultural prejudices.
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The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours. ; Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule były formułowane przez Wincentego Witosa (1874–1945) koncepcje odnoszące się do Rosji, jej polityki wobec narodu od czasów zaborów, okresu Rosji Radzieckiej i ZSRR oraz myśl polityczna dotycząca bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych ze wschodnim sąsiadem. Do największych przeszkód w relacjach polsko-radzieckich Witos zaliczał te polityczne, takie jak ustrój państwa, ale także wszelkie problemy, bariery i niechęć, które zrodziły się w czasie ponad stuletniego panowania Rosjan na ziemiach polskich pod zaborami. Utrudnienia te w przekonaniu Witosa należało pokonywać w imię najważniejszego interesu, jakim było dobro państwa i utrzymanie pokojowych relacji z sąsiadami. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours.
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Przedmiotem rozważań w artykule były formułowane przez Wincentego Witosa (1874–1945) koncepcje odnoszące się do Rosji, jej polityki wobec narodu od czasów zaborów, okresu Rosji Radzieckiej i ZSRR oraz myśl polityczna dotycząca bezpieczeństwa granic państwowych ze wschodnim sąsiadem. Do największych przeszkód w relacjach polsko-radzieckich Witos zaliczał te polityczne, takie jak ustrój państwa, ale także wszelkie problemy, bariery i niechęć, które zrodziły się w czasie ponad stuletniego panowania Rosjan na ziemiach polskich pod zaborami. Utrudnienia te w przekonaniu Witosa należało pokonywać w imię najważniejszego interesu, jakim było dobro państwa i utrzymanie pokojowych relacji z sąsiadami. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours. ; The article deals with the concepts formulated by Wincenty Witos (1874–45) regarding Russia, its policy towards the Polish nation from the partitions times and throughout the period of Soviet Russia and the USSR, as well as the political thought regarding the security of state borders against its eastern neighbour. According to Witos, the biggest obstacles in Polish-Soviet relations were of political nature, such as the state system, but were also influenced by all problems, prejudices, and issues that arose in over a century of Russian rule in Poland after the partitions. In his opinion, these difficulties should be overcome in the name of the most vital interest: the good of the state and the maintenance of peaceful relations with its neighbours.
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In: De securitate et defensione: O bezpieczeństwie i obronności, Band 7, Heft 1
ISSN: 2450-5005
This article analyzes the most important political, social, ethical problems of modern society – lies in the media, "fake news" as an indicator of the degradation of the media, civil society institutions, and the authorities. The article analyzes the information processes of modern society, states the influence of fake news on political processes. The article reveals the importance of the political culture of society and the negative perception of fake news. This phenomenon is considered in the context of the informational picture of the world, the need of the authorities to abuse the institution of journalism as an agent of influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study notes the role of the linguistic factor in the implementation of the functions of manipulating society, reducing the level of citizens' trust in the state. The article attempts to reveal the role of social networks in promoting fake news. On the example of the secondary interpretation of the results of a sociological survey in the United States, the negative perception of fake news by society is revealed. The survey results indicate the growth of inequality and prejudice in society. The article concludes about the social turbulence of the processes of modern society.
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; The Impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 195-223
ISSN: 2719-2911
The Conference on "Recovering Forgotten History" is one of the oldest attempts undertaken in the III Republic to defend Poland's (and East- Central Europe's) image abroad, especially in the US. From 2006, the Conference has organized its seminars, originally bi-annually and now annually, to provide a forum for discussions between the authors of English-language history textbooks and monographs, and Polish historians who review those publications. Arguments are scholarly, grounded in evidence of primary sources and historiography, therefore, they are convincing in combatting Western prejudices and clichés about Poland and East-Central Europe. Additionally, the Conference provides opportunities for sightseeing of Poland's historical places. As a result, the work of the Conference leads not only to the removal of countless mistakes and misinterpretations in the reviewed books but also to a change of guests' attitudes toward this part of Europe. For the most part, they are academic teachers, who can also influence students through their classes. The Conference achieves all of this while having very modest means at its disposal.
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; The Impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 73-92
ISSN: 2719-2911
The central concern of this paper is the growing influx of Russian migrants to the Czech Republic and the consequences for political and social order. With nearly 40,000 migrants, Russians are the fourth biggest foreign community in Czechia. Due to their material status, the history of bilateral relations, and the significant role of their homeland in Czech politics, the growing Russian community poses a problem for Czech society. The fear of Russian dominance – in political as well as economical dimensions – as well as resentment about the communistic era, is still present among Czech people. Although most Russians come to Czech to study or to do business and are not engaged in political activity, relations between migrants and the host society can be strained. Mutual prejudices make themselves felt in moments of the political crisis between two countries, such as the recent row over Soviet monuments in Prague. However, this doesn't necessarily mean that the Russian community could easily become a tool for Kremlin propaganda. Russians appreciate the opportunity to live in a rich, liberal and democratic society and even though they keep strong emotional ties with their homeland they are not keen to affirm all of Moscow's deeds.
The article is an effect of interest in research interests across the image of Polish accession to the EU which was created by press texts of regional newspapers of the Western Land of Poland. The press texts was selected broadcast content on the appropriate form, and clearly carved eventually reflect the problems that have become important and have been discussed issues relating to the Polish accession to the EU. Polish-German relations was important point of pre-accession discussions in the regional analyzed newspapers. Based on analysis, can be concluded that the motive for combining texts, newspapers surveyed had hoped that the adoption of Polish EU will speak to a symbol that will contribute to the disappearance of overcoming mutual prejudices and stereotypes still functioning. Although the mutual relations of both countries still had a significant impact historical and social events, it seems that the regional press journalists of the Western Lands really belief that after 1 May 2004 will begin a new stage of history. In press texts was repeated several times the idea of Polish-German 'community of interests'. Analysis of the texts shows that in the pre proceeded quite freely communication processes between German and Polish representatives of local authorities, particularly where the German side clearly says about concerns stemming from EU enlargement, Poles and Germans expecting to improve the better economic situation. The analysis of the press shows clearly that the German political elite was unable to convincingly explain the lack of acceptance of the German society for EU enlargement to include Poland.
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Analyzing the course of accession negotiations of Turkey to the European Union and taking into an account the experience of previous enlargements, the issue of free movement of persons appears to be one of the most difficult and controversial subject. EU members societies report concerns about job losses and reduced wages in the case of immigration of cheaper labor. In addition, ethnic prejudices and cultural, religious, social and language differences in the European Union hold the demand for foreign workers.Based on the theory and analysis of current migration flows of the Turkish population to European Union countries, it appears that the most important factors influencing decisions to migrate, and thus also on its size, there are differences in income. An important factor is also the presence of a number of Turkish minorities in European countries.In order to balance the benefits and losses associated with Turkish migration will be analyzed the trends in Turkish immigrants participation in the European Union and Germany. ; Analizując przebieg negocjacji akcesyjnych Turcji do Unii Europejskiej oraz biorąc pod uwagę doświadczenia dotychczasowych rozszerzeń, kwestia swobodnego przepływu pracowników okazuje się być jednym z najtrudniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych tematów. Społeczeństwa krajów członkowskich Unii zgłaszają obawy związane z utratą miejsc pracy oraz redukcją płac w wypadku imigracji tańszej siły roboczej. Ponadto uprzedzenia narodowościowe oraz różnice kulturowe, religijne, socjalne i językowe hamują w Unii Europejskiej popyt na zagranicznych pracowników.W oparciu o teorię migracji oraz analizy dotychczasowych przepływów ludności tureckiej do krajów Unii Europejskiej okazuje się, że najistotniejszymi czynnikami wpływającymi na podejmowanie decyzji o migracji, a więc także o jej wielkości, są różnice w dochodach. Ważnym motywem jest także występowanie licznych mniejszości tureckich w państwach europejskich.W celu zbilansowania korzyści i strat związanych z turecką migracją zbadane zostaną tendencje w zakresie udziału tureckich imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej i Niemczech.
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Analyzing the course of accession negotiations of Turkey to the European Union and taking into an account the experience of previous enlargements, the issue of free movement of persons appears to be one of the most difficult and controversial subject. EU members societies report concerns about job losses and reduced wages in the case of immigration of cheaper labor. In addition, ethnic prejudices and cultural, religious, social and language differences in the European Union hold the demand for foreign workers.Based on the theory and analysis of current migration flows of the Turkish population to European Union countries, it appears that the most important factors influencing decisions to migrate, and thus also on its size, there are differences in income. An important factor is also the presence of a number of Turkish minorities in European countries.In order to balance the benefits and losses associated with Turkish migration will be analyzed the trends in Turkish immigrants participation in the European Union and Germany. ; Analizując przebieg negocjacji akcesyjnych Turcji do Unii Europejskiej oraz biorąc pod uwagę doświadczenia dotychczasowych rozszerzeń, kwestia swobodnego przepływu pracowników okazuje się być jednym z najtrudniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych tematów. Społeczeństwa krajów członkowskich Unii zgłaszają obawy związane z utratą miejsc pracy oraz redukcją płac w wypadku imigracji tańszej siły roboczej. Ponadto uprzedzenia narodowościowe oraz różnice kulturowe, religijne, socjalne i językowe hamują w Unii Europejskiej popyt na zagranicznych pracowników.W oparciu o teorię migracji oraz analizy dotychczasowych przepływów ludności tureckiej do krajów Unii Europejskiej okazuje się, że najistotniejszymi czynnikami wpływającymi na podejmowanie decyzji o migracji, a więc także o jej wielkości, są różnice w dochodach. Ważnym motywem jest także występowanie licznych mniejszości tureckich w państwach europejskich.W celu zbilansowania korzyści i strat związanych z turecką migracją zbadane zostaną tendencje w zakresie udziału tureckich imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej i Niemczech.
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It seemed that after the end of the Cold War the democratization process would spread freely ensuring world peace. However, a number of worrying events occurring in international relations have not confirmed these hopes. Robert Kagan asserts that the announcement about world peace in the early nineties of the twentieth century did not come true. In fact, the states have never stopped competing each other just like before the fall of communism. Kagan emphasizes that the characteristic feature in international relations is a rivalry between democratic and authoritarian states. He fears the growing importance of autocracy, especially in China and Russia. Therefore, he urges to promote of democracy and even to build a league of democratic nations as a forum where international disputes could be resolved. On the other hand, there are opinions saying that the importunate promotion of democracy, especially in the form of the "preventive war" in the region reluctant to adopt Western values, such as the countries of the Middle East, may cause more conflicts and no less. Democratic system is a hallmark of the West and not a universal truth. The success of the stabilization of democracy in countries with different culture can't be the results of "preventive war" but a long process. Benjamin R. Barber proposes a noninvasive method to disseminate democracy. He believes that the best way to stabilize democracy in non-Western countries is a civic education. Development of education can eliminate those who may in the future become terrorists. Education reduces the strength of prejudice and moderates hate. Moreover, Barber stresses that support for local democracy through teaching is less costly than the force of arms. When Barack Obama took over power in the United States, it seemed that the strategy of "preventive war", supported by neoconservatives, would be rejected. But the new president's actions indicate that he doesn't intend to negotiate with the enemies of freedom. It has turned out that Obama continues the tradition of American "democratic imperialism". The implementation of neoconservative strategy ignoring the principle of "preventive democracy" portends a permanent conflict, which dismisses the prospect of world peace.
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It seemed that after the end of the Cold War the democratization process would spread freely ensuring world peace. However, a number of worrying events occurring in international relations have not confirmed these hopes. Robert Kagan asserts that the announcement about world peace in the early nineties of the twentieth century did not come true. In fact, the states have never stopped competing each other just like before the fall of communism. Kagan emphasizes that the characteristic feature in international relations is a rivalry between democratic and authoritarian states. He fears the growing importance of autocracy, especially in China and Russia. Therefore, he urges to promote of democracy and even to build a league of democratic nations as a forum where international disputes could be resolved. On the other hand, there are opinions saying that the importunate promotion of democracy, especially in the form of the "preventive war" in the region reluctant to adopt Western values, such as the countries of the Middle East, may cause more conflicts and no less. Democratic system is a hallmark of the West and not a universal truth. The success of the stabilization of democracy in countries with different culture can't be the results of "preventive war" but a long process. Benjamin R. Barber proposes a noninvasive method to disseminate democracy. He believes that the best way to stabilize democracy in non-Western countries is a civic education. Development of education can eliminate those who may in the future become terrorists. Education reduces the strength of prejudice and moderates hate. Moreover, Barber stresses that support for local democracy through teaching is less costly than the force of arms. When Barack Obama took over power in the United States, it seemed that the strategy of "preventive war", supported by neoconservatives, would be rejected. But the new president's actions indicate that he doesn't intend to negotiate with the enemies of freedom. It has turned out that Obama continues the tradition of American "democratic imperialism". The implementation of neoconservative strategy ignoring the principle of "preventive democracy" portends a permanent conflict, which dismisses the prospect of world peace.
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