Suchergebnisse

This paper presents an analysis of the main theories and results of experimental research in the context of the shifting social preferences towards moral prejudices in a process of resource allocation decision making. Researchers of game theory have found that three motives are included in the decision-making process about resource allocation: social preferences, moral prejudices, and self-interest. Personal interests and moral prejudices are strong predictors in the model of predicting people's social orientations. Moral prejudices, being the distortions created by self-interest, can strongly influence people's social preferences, and even change them to the opposite. As a result, an asymmetric relationship is established between personal interest and moral prejudices in the decision-making process about resource allocation. When moral prejudices become an obstacle to achieving a goal, a person unconsciously distorts the information so that it justifies its actions. These distortions can be manifested in the avoidance of information that interferes with personal interests, the selective selection of information, and even recourse to opposing moral principles. In the long run, all this is expressed in the change of a person's social orientation from altruistic to selfish. These changes in people's social preferences are confirmed by the results of numerous experiments not only in social psychology, but also in social neuropsychology and neuroeconomics. The way to overcome these distortions is to have a clear understanding of the limits of personal interests and an understanding of one's own motives in decisions about resource allocation.

In examining the role of political myths in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH) propaganda, I will explore one political myth that aroused from pre-existing images and stereotypes about Jews in Croat lands that lie at the heart of NDH propaganda: The Myth about the Enemy. That myth was instrumental in providing "moral" justification for genocide and military violence against Jews throughout NDH history and is important for understanding how propaganda was successful in the recruitment of soldiers in the Ustasha movement, as well as for understanding war and genocidal rhetoric. I will discuss how official-level rhetoric has tailored that myth in order to provide significance for political circumstances and legitimize mass violence against Jews.

party-soviet press distorted historical reality, hiding cruelty of Russian chauvinism. Besides, great attention was paid to the demonstration of international life in soviet infor-mative spacious and it was stressed on the absence of alternative informational sources in the USSR. The author proves, the role of soviet mass-media was to maintain the Marxism-Leninism ideology, conceal the Russian language implantation and denationalize the cap-tivated peoples, form the negative image of capitalist world in public consciousness. Key words: communist propaganda, ideology prejudice of informative space, des-informational methods of journalism, manipulation by public consciousness, interpretation of international events, prejudice-negative attitude, criticism of "bourgeois" ideology, po-pularization of "socialistic realism", ideological patterns, political consciousness of citi-zens. ; У науковій публікації на прикладі журнальної періодики УРСР проаналізо-вано, як партійно-радянська преса, приховуючи жорстокість російського шовінізму, перекручувала історичну дійсність. Крім того, чільну увагу приділено показу між-народного життя в радянському інформаційному просторі, наголошено на відсут-ності альтернативних джерел інформації в межах СРСР. Автор переконливо дово-дить, що роль радянських ЗМІ зводилася до обслуговування марксистсько-ленінсь-кої ідеології, приховування зросійщення й денаціоналізації поневолених народів, формування в суспільній свідомості негативного уявлення про капіталістичний світ. Ключові слова: комуністична пропаганда, заідеологізованість інформацій-ного простору, дезінформаційні методи журналістики, зомбування свідомості гро-мадян, інтерпретація міжнародних подій, упереджено-негативне ставлення, критика "буржуазної" ідеології, популяризація "соціалістичного реалізму", ідеологічні штампи, політична свідомість громадян.

The article investigates the procedure for dissolution of marriage under action proceeding. Temporary obstacles to submit a divorce suit have been established. Declarative nature of p.4 of Art. 185 of the Civil Procedure Code of Ukraine regarding returning a divorce suit during the pregnancy of a spouse has been proved. In practice it is unclear how the judge can establish the fact of pregnancy at the stage of initiation of the case because neither family nor civil procedural legislation stipulates the necessity to submit a certificate of pregnancy along with the suit. Judicial procedural mistakes during consideration of divorce cases under action proceeding have been established. It has been identified that divorce suits are submitted to the court under the rules of alternative jurisdiction. When the court tries cases on dissolution of marriage it assumes that the marriage is based on a free will of a woman and a man. It is inadmissible to force a man and woman to get married. When the spouses are forced to terminate marriage, keep it, enter into intimate relations using physical or psychological violence it violates their right to freedom and privacy and can have consequences provided for by law. Every spouse has the right to terminate marriage relationship. The law does not identify which measures can be applied by the court to bring the spouses together. The court is entitled but not obliged to give additional time for reconciliation. Following the analysis of case law regarding decision on additional time for reconciliation it has been proposed to expel Art. 111 of the Family Code of Ukraine and p. 7 of Art. 240 of the Civil Procedure Code of Ukraine because, unfortunately, the institute of reconciliation does not result in keeping the marriage, but it drags such important cases as dissolution of marriage. Conflicts, contradictory and unsolved issues of legal regulation of this procedure which were found during analysis of case law have been defined.

This article is an attempt to examine the concept of «hate speech». This issue is an actual as a result of the course taken by our country towards European integration. The purpose of this paper is to outline the concept of "hate speech" and to highlight the features of this concept in the realities of modern Ukrainian political discourse in the context of necessity of strengthening the national security. Dialectical, structural-functional and synergetic approach-es are theoretical and methodological basis of the research. Results of the study can be applied in various fields of po-litical science, law, philology, both academic and practical purposes. The author analyzes the main content of the re-search subject in the national and European discourse; focuses the attention on the features of hate speech in the Ukrainian realities; outlines possible ways of counteracting to hate speech; identifies perspectives of European expe-rience hate speech' countering to Ukrainian realities. There is a list of major international documents on hate speech that allows outlining the prospects of clear legal definition of this concept in the Ukrainian legislation. The issue of legal regulation of hate speech is extremely important for Ukraine, because in our current legislation is not sufficient-ly clearly spelled the responsibility for the hate speech. The author has identified the following trends of countering hate speech: knowledge and awareness, tolerance, active citizenship, critical thinking, involving the authorities. The most common reasons for the occurrence hate speech in Ukraine can be considered a regional («geographical») basis, the factor of interpretation of the historical past and the language factor. Perspectives of adaptation of European expe-rience hate speech' countering to the Ukrainian reality is to provide clear wording and interpretations, appropriate amendments to the current legislation of Ukraine and cooperation with European colleagues in the campaign and movement against hate speech. ; В данной статье представлена попытка рассмотреть концепт «язык ненависти / вражды». Данная пробле-ма является актуальной в результате взятого нашим государством курса на европейскую интеграцию. Авто-ром анализируется основное содержание предмета исследования в отечественном и европейском дискурсе. Сосредоточено внимание на особенностях проявления языка ненависти / вражды в украинских реалиях; оче-рчены возможные пути противодействия подобного рода высказываниям; выявлены перспективы адаптации европейского опыта противодействия языку ненависти / вражды к украинским реалиям. Также приведен пе-речень основных международных документов о языке ненависти / вражды, позволяющий очертить перспек-тивы четкого законодательного определения данного понятия в украинском законодательстве. ; У статті представлена спроба розглянути концепт «мова ненависті / ворожнечі». Дана проблема є актуальною в результаті взятого нашою державою курсу на європей-ську інтеграцію. Автором аналізується основний зміст предмету дослідження у вітчи-зняному та європейському дискурсі; зосереджено увагу на особливостях прояву мови ненависті / ворожнечі в українських реаліях; окреслені можливі шляхи протидії подібного роду висловлюванням; виявлені перспективи адаптації європейського досвіду протидії мові ненависті / ворожнечі до українських реалій. Також наведено перелік основних між-народних документів про мову ненависті / ворожнечі, що дозволяє окреслити перспек-тиви чіткого законодавчого визначення даного поняття в українському законодавстві.

This article is an attempt to examine the concept of «hate speech». This issue is an actual as a result of the course taken by our country towards European integration. The purpose of this paper is to outline the concept of "hate speech" and to highlight the features of this concept in the realities of modern Ukrainian political discourse in the context of necessity of strengthening the national security. Dialectical, structural-functional and synergetic approach-es are theoretical and methodological basis of the research. Results of the study can be applied in various fields of po-litical science, law, philology, both academic and practical purposes. The author analyzes the main content of the re-search subject in the national and European discourse; focuses the attention on the features of hate speech in the Ukrainian realities; outlines possible ways of counteracting to hate speech; identifies perspectives of European expe-rience hate speech' countering to Ukrainian realities. There is a list of major international documents on hate speech that allows outlining the prospects of clear legal definition of this concept in the Ukrainian legislation. The issue of legal regulation of hate speech is extremely important for Ukraine, because in our current legislation is not sufficient-ly clearly spelled the responsibility for the hate speech. The author has identified the following trends of countering hate speech: knowledge and awareness, tolerance, active citizenship, critical thinking, involving the authorities. The most common reasons for the occurrence hate speech in Ukraine can be considered a regional («geographical») basis, the factor of interpretation of the historical past and the language factor. Perspectives of adaptation of European expe-rience hate speech' countering to the Ukrainian reality is to provide clear wording and interpretations, appropriate amendments to the current legislation of Ukraine and cooperation with European colleagues in the campaign and movement against hate speech. ; В данной статье представлена попытка рассмотреть концепт «язык ненависти / вражды». Данная пробле-ма является актуальной в результате взятого нашим государством курса на европейскую интеграцию. Авто-ром анализируется основное содержание предмета исследования в отечественном и европейском дискурсе. Сосредоточено внимание на особенностях проявления языка ненависти / вражды в украинских реалиях; оче-рчены возможные пути противодействия подобного рода высказываниям; выявлены перспективы адаптации европейского опыта противодействия языку ненависти / вражды к украинским реалиям. Также приведен пе-речень основных международных документов о языке ненависти / вражды, позволяющий очертить перспек-тивы четкого законодательного определения данного понятия в украинском законодательстве. ; У статті представлена спроба розглянути концепт «мова ненависті / ворожнечі». Дана проблема є актуальною в результаті взятого нашою державою курсу на європей-ську інтеграцію. Автором аналізується основний зміст предмету дослідження у вітчи-зняному та європейському дискурсі; зосереджено увагу на особливостях прояву мови ненависті / ворожнечі в українських реаліях; окреслені можливі шляхи протидії подібного роду висловлюванням; виявлені перспективи адаптації європейського досвіду протидії мові ненависті / ворожнечі до українських реалій. Також наведено перелік основних між-народних документів про мову ненависті / ворожнечі, що дозволяє окреслити перспек-тиви чіткого законодавчого визначення даного поняття в українському законодавстві.

An effective implementation of development process of Polish-Ukrainian transboundary cooperation not only reinforces mutual relations betweenboth of these countries, but also provides a strong impulse of economic development for the complete region of Central-Eastern Europe. Activities in this field also create a unique historical opportunity fornational minorities to become a bridge between the nations which create mutually the economically strong European Union without prejudice and mental stereotypes. Key words: process, transboundary cooperation, Poland, Ukraine. ; Skuteczna implementacja procesu rozwoju polsko – ukraińskiej transgranicznej współpracy nie tylko umacnia wzajemne stosunki obydwóch tych państw ale również daje silny impuls rozwoju gospodarczego dla całego regionu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Działania w tym zakresie tworzą również w mniejszościach narodowych jedyną w swoim rodzaju historyczną szansę na stanie się pomostem między narodami, które tworzą wspólnie silną gospodarczą Unię Europejską bez uprzedzeń i stereotypów myślowych. Kluczowe słowa: proces, współpraca transgraniczna, Polska, Ukraina

Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей церковної політики Речі Посполитої 1788-1791 рр., законодавчих актів, які визначали юридичне становище православної церкви в цій державі, а також інтерпретації тогочасних подій та змісту документів відомим істориком церкви В. Бідновим. Окремо наголошено на тих заходах польської влади, яких слід було б уникати при формуванні сучасної церковної політики або, навпаки, було б бажано використовувати з метою збереження в країні суспільної злагоди та міжконфесійного порозуміння. ; Статья посвящена анализу особенностей церковной политики Речи Посполитой 1788-1791 гг., законодательных актов, которые определяли юридическое положение православной церкви в этом государстве, а также интерпретациям тех событий и содержания документов, осуществленных историком церкви В. Бедновым. Показано, что в своем освещении автор акцентирует внимание на тех действиях польской власти, которых следовало бы избегать при формировании современной церковной политики или, наоборот, было бы желательно использовать с целью сохранения в стране общественного мира и межконфессионального взамопонимания. ; The history of the church, inter-confessional relations and religious policies of the state is one of the developing areas of today's historical studies. An increasing number of special historical researches, papers, articles devoted to these issues, covering different periods in the history of our country, were a proof to that. Such interest is well justified as Ukraine is a country with complex ethnical and confessional set-up. This calls for deep insight into the history of relations between different confessions in the past. The article analyses specific features of the church policies of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the four year parliament (Sejm) of 1788-1791, acts of law adopted in that period that set legal grounds for the status of the Orthodox Church in the state, and studies the interpretation of those events and documents by church historian V. Bednov. Special attention was paid to the analysis of the actions of the Polish authorities to be avoided in today's church policies or, alternatively, to be encouraged today to maintain public peace and inter-confessional dialogue in the country. In his work, V. Bednov described in details all clauses of the Resolution of the General Congregation held in Pinsk, which were later legitimised by the Polish parliament (1791) and confirmed in the special Sejm constitution. This document was intended to dramatically change the status of the Orthodox Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Yet, time was lost, and prejudices that prevented the document from being adopted without limitations became one of the factors further resulting in the disappearance of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an independent state after the second (1793) and third (1795) partitions. These prejudices did not help to resolve controversies between Catholic, Uniate and Orthodox Christians either. The work of V. Bednov analysing the above issues was highly praised by his contemporaries. Yet, the scholar never returned to this topic in his studies, which makes this area very promising for modern researchers.

Стаття присвячена аналізу особливостей церковної політики Речі Посполитої 1788-1791 рр., законодавчих актів, які визначали юридичне становище православної церкви в цій державі, а також інтерпретації тогочасних подій та змісту документів відомим істориком церкви В. Бідновим. Окремо наголошено на тих заходах польської влади, яких слід було б уникати при формуванні сучасної церковної політики або, навпаки, було б бажано використовувати з метою збереження в країні суспільної злагоди та міжконфесійного порозуміння. ; Статья посвящена анализу особенностей церковной политики Речи Посполитой 1788-1791 гг., законодательных актов, которые определяли юридическое положение православной церкви в этом государстве, а также интерпретациям тех событий и содержания документов, осуществленных историком церкви В. Бедновым. Показано, что в своем освещении автор акцентирует внимание на тех действиях польской власти, которых следовало бы избегать при формировании современной церковной политики или, наоборот, было бы желательно использовать с целью сохранения в стране общественного мира и межконфессионального взамопонимания. ; The history of the church, inter-confessional relations and religious policies of the state is one of the developing areas of today's historical studies. An increasing number of special historical researches, papers, articles devoted to these issues, covering different periods in the history of our country, were a proof to that. Such interest is well justified as Ukraine is a country with complex ethnical and confessional set-up. This calls for deep insight into the history of relations between different confessions in the past. The article analyses specific features of the church policies of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the four year parliament (Sejm) of 1788-1791, acts of law adopted in that period that set legal grounds for the status of the Orthodox Church in the state, and studies the interpretation of those events and documents by church historian V. Bednov. Special attention was paid to the analysis of the actions of the Polish authorities to be avoided in today's church policies or, alternatively, to be encouraged today to maintain public peace and inter-confessional dialogue in the country. In his work, V. Bednov described in details all clauses of the Resolution of the General Congregation held in Pinsk, which were later legitimised by the Polish parliament (1791) and confirmed in the special Sejm constitution. This document was intended to dramatically change the status of the Orthodox Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Yet, time was lost, and prejudices that prevented the document from being adopted without limitations became one of the factors further resulting in the disappearance of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as an independent state after the second (1793) and third (1795) partitions. These prejudices did not help to resolve controversies between Catholic, Uniate and Orthodox Christians either. The work of V. Bednov analysing the above issues was highly praised by his contemporaries. Yet, the scholar never returned to this topic in his studies, which makes this area very promising for modern researchers.

We consider safety not only nation states but also a variety of non-state actors. The many security threats at various levels – from the individual (person) to comprehensive (association, society) enhances the definition of security because of covering economic, political, cultural wealth. It is difficult to separate the security concerns of environmental problems and human rights, besides terrorism prejudice in all these areas. Warning of threats, effective response to terrorism is a condition for the safety of every individual citizen and society, as well as security of the democratic rule of law.The need for new approaches to security is well exemplified in such global problem of modern world politics as the problem of countering terrorism. Although the phenomenon of terrorism is not entirely new ; Розглянуто забезпечення безпеки не лише національними державами, а й різноманітними недержавними акторами. Багатогранність загроз безпеки на різних рівнях – від індивідуального (особистості) до всеосяжного (товариства, суспільства) – сприяє розширенню визначення безпеки, оскільки охоплюють одночасно економічні, політичні, культурні, матеріальні цінності. Зараз дедалі важче відокремлювати проблеми безпеки від проблем навколишнього середовища і прав людини. До того ж тероризм завдає шкоди в усіх зазначених сферах. Попередження загроз, ефективна протидія тероризму є умовою забезпечення безпеки кожного окремого громадянина та суспільства загалом, а також безпеки демократичної правової держави.Ключові слова: безпека; безпека держави; безпека людини; тероризм; протидія тероризму.

The article examines national branding as a determinant vector of reforming political system of Ukraine. The author claims, that any reform will not achieve high results if the country is considered with the prejudice in the world. Respectable reputation of the business, political stability, tradition's uniqueness and appeal of the territory –are the guarantee of respect for the country and its population in the world. The brand of country-nation by itself is an intangible product, which has spiritual roots. It is fated to form social values. A country with a stable brand –is a significant player of the world politics and international relations ; Акцентируется внимание на национальном брендинге как на определяющем векторе реформирования политической системы Украины сегодня. Бренд государства – нации сам по себе является нематериальным продуктом, который имеет духовные корни и способен формировать социальные ценности. Страна со стабильным брендом является важным игроком в мировой политике и международных отношениях. Автор утверждает, что реформы любого рода не приведут к достижению высоких результатов, пока страна не избавится от предубеждения в мире относительно ее инвестиционного климата, репутационного капитала бизнеса, политической стабильности и других показателей. ; Держава-нація як світовий актор за сучасних умов – це у першу чергу сукупність її репутаційних характеристик, іміджевих образів, стереотипів щодо традицій та ментальності населення у масовій свідомості. Реформування політичної системи України повинно передбачати реалізацію єдиної стратегії національного брендингу країни через імідж її міст, регіонів та унікальних територій.

The article reviews the problem of contradictory public attitude to educational reforms in connection with the phenomenon of open- mindedness. Based on the review of case studies, two major areas of conceptualization of openness of judgments have been identified. The first direction studies the openness of judgments in the context of interpersonal interaction, as a lack of prejudice against members of groups that are interpreted as "others", willingness to tolerate "otherness" and productively interact with other people in conflict of opinions and positions. In the second direction, openness of judgment is seen primarily as a cognitive attitude to the perception of new ideas, tolerance of diversity of opinion and willingness to think outside the box ("out of box"). A sample of 230 respondents allowed to examine the relationship between cognitive (dogmatism) and personal (openness to new experiences) aspects of openness of judgment with a subjective attitude to educational reforms. Dogmatism is related to the tough judgments about educational reforms. More dogmatic respondents tend to have negative evaluations of reforms, less dogmatic ones are more likely to have no established evaluative judgments. Openness to new experiences determines the modality of assessments of educational reforms: more "open" respondents tend to be more positive about the changes that occur as a result of reforms than less "open" ones, which are characterized by a certain pessimism. It has been found that dogmatism and openness to new experiences manifest themselves in different ways in relation to educational reforms among professionals engaged in the field of education and non-professionally related to the education of respondents.

The article discusses the legislative framework of USA, leading European and selected post-Soviet countries applicable to ensuring the rights of persons with disabilities to access to social infrastructure, including vehicles. The authors investigate the legal provisions regarding human rights and discrimination in the context of disability. People with disabilities have limited abilities to mobility because of their own health problems and of prejudice in the society. In turn this limitation leads to the direct and indirect discrimination and restriction on their civil, social and other human rights. Therefore, implementing inclusion of and accessibility for persons with disabilities is a primary obligation of governments and business. In USA, UK, Germany, Austria, France and other modern democratic States there are special laws through which people with disabilities' right are reinforced by the governments. The legislation and best practices of Western countries shows the examples of ensuring the persons with disabilities access to facilities of the transport infrastructure. Existing legislation generally requires to create barrier-free environment. There is a number of technical rules and standards legislation and best practices for the construction and equipment of public vehicles provided by law. The regulations establish the obligations and responsibilities of the public carriers and private transport services. Despite the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities the post-Soviet States these persons remained insufficiently protected. The accessibility of transport infrastructure has not been adequately addressed in Ukraine. There is a lack of legally binding rules and liability. Therefore, the analyzed foreign experience should serve as a benchmark for Ukraine, both in terms of accessibility standards (USA, Austria, and Germany) and stages of their implementation (France).

Development of modern civilization is marked by the tendency to multiculturalism coexistence of different nations, ethnic groups and cultures. Whereas international integration is high on the agenda, the world witnesses the necessity to preserve national and cultural diversity, authenticity of national and ethnic groups. The study raises a problem of ethnic identity in multicultural British society. The article aims to reveal the impact of ethnic stereotypes, national tolerance and xenophobia on intercultural interaction of the British with foreigners and ethnic minorities. Ethnic stereotypes are based on prejudiced biased perception of foreigners, which is caused by the realisation of cognitive opposition 'we – others'. In everyday individual consciousness there is a strong tendency to associate 'ourselves' with the neutral norm or evaluate 'ourselves positively'. The 'others' as representatives of different ethnic groups, however, are perceived in a negative way. Subsequently, xenophobia and prejudice lead to usage of unofficial ethnic names, offensive ethnophobisms and derogatory ethnic nicknames. Unofficial ethnic names are considered insulting and therefore unacceptable in intercultural communication. Thus, to follow the principle of 'political correctness' and national tolerance it is necessary to avoid using offensive, invective terms concerning foreigners or members of ethnic minorities. Names denoting ethnic groups in present-day English may be classified by the type of designation – internal and external ethnic names, and the sphere of usage – official and unofficial ethnic names, ethnophobisms and ethnic nicknames.Keywords: ethnic name, ethnophobism, national stereotype, ethnic identity, tolerance, intercultural communication. ; У статті розглядається вплив етнічних стереотипів, принципу національної толерантності та ксенофобії на міжетнічне спілкування та визначення етнічної ідентичності в англійській мові. Етнічні стереотипи створюються на основі бінарної опозиції 'свої – чужі' і становлять узагальнені, схематизовані, не завжди правдиві уявлення про представників інших етнічних груп. Стереотипне сприйняття представників інших етносів британцями проявляється в англійській мові на лексичному рівні чисельними неофіційними номінативними засобами ідентифікації іноземців. Застосування неофіційних, образливих етнонімів-прізвиськ та етнофобізмів свідчить про упереджене ставлення та є проявом ксенофобії. Ключові слова: етнонім, етнофобізм, національний стереотип, етнічна ідентичність, толерантність, міжкультурна комунікація. В статье рассматривается влияние этнических стереотипов, принципа национальной толерантности и ксенофобии на межэтническое общение и определение этнической идентичности в английском языке. Этнические стереотипы формируются на основе бинарной оппозиции 'свои – чужие' и представляют обобщенные, схематизированные, не всегда правдивые представления о членах других этнических групп. Стереотипное восприятие представителей других этносов британцами проявляется в английском языке на лексическом уровне многочисленными неофициальными номинативными средствами идентификации иностранцев. Использование неофициальных, оскорбительных этнонимов-прозвищ и этнофобизмов свидетельствует о предвзятом отношении и является проявлением ксенофобии.Ключевые слова: этноним, этнофобизм, национальный стереотип, этническая идентичность, толерантность, межкультурная коммуникация. Development of modern civilization is marked by the tendency to multiculturalism coexistence of different nations, ethnic groups and cultures. Whereas international integration is high on the agenda, the world witnesses the necessity to preserve national and cultural diversity, authenticity of national and ethnic groups. The study raises a problem of ethnic identity in multicultural British society. The article aims to reveal the impact of ethnic stereotypes, national tolerance and xenophobia on intercultural interaction of the British with foreigners and ethnic minorities. Ethnic stereotypes are based on prejudiced biased perception of foreigners, which is caused by the realisation of cognitive opposition 'we – others'. In everyday individual consciousness there is a strong tendency to associate 'ourselves' with the neutral norm or evaluate 'ourselves positively'. The 'others' as representatives of different ethnic groups, however, are perceived in a negative way. Subsequently, xenophobia and prejudice lead to usage of unofficial ethnic names, offensive ethnophobisms and derogatory ethnic nicknames. Unofficial ethnic names are considered insulting and therefore unacceptable in intercultural communication. Thus, to follow the principle of 'political correctness' and national tolerance it is necessary to avoid using offensive, invective terms concerning foreigners or members of ethnic minorities. Names denoting ethnic groups in present-day English may be classified by the type of designation – internal and external ethnic names, and the sphere of usage – official and unofficial ethnic names, ethnophobisms and ethnic nicknames.Keywords: ethnic name, ethnophobism, national stereotype, ethnic identity, tolerance, intercultural communication.