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This paper proposes to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the independence of Timor-Leste by focusing on two controversies that marked the period before its proclamation and whose consequences extend into the present. The first one deals with the "road map to Independence" and comprises the debate on the best process to elaborate a Constitution. It is intertwined with the problem of the extent to which Timorese ought to participate in the critical decisions of the transitional period, conducted under the aegis of the United Nations. The second impinges on the choice of its system of government and its impact on the consolidation of democracy. This section discusses the relevant literature on semi- presidentialism to frame a comparative perspective to events in Timor-Leste and shows the historical evolution of the process of constitutional design and the debates it involved. Finally, this essay proposes to look at those critical choices as a function of the history of Timor-Leste since 1975 and the political balance of forces rather than derived from theoretical principles.

1. Introduction: Yuko Kasuya, S. 1 . - 2. A Framework for Analysing Presidential-Legislative Relations in Asia: Yuko Kasuya, S. 10. - 3. Presidentialism in Korea: A Strong President and a Weak Government: Yuki Asaba,S. 40 . - 4. Afghanistan's Strong President and Weak Parties: Yuko Kasuya with John Kendall, S. 59 . - 5. Trading Compromises: Interaction of Powers in the Philippine Presidential System: Takeshi Kawanaka, S. 89. - 6. Presidential Strength and Party Leadership in Taiwan: Mitsutoyo Matsumoto, S. 107 . - 7. Strong President and Vulnerable Political System in Sri Lanka: Hiroki Miwa, S. 134 . - 8. President Restrained: Effects of Parliamentary Rule and Coalition Government on Indonesia's Presidentialism: Koichi Kawamura, S. 156 . - 9. Conclusion: Lessons from the Study of Asian Presidentialism: Yuko Kasuya, S. 204

The article is dedicated to phased analysis of republican form of government. The author singled out theoretical and methodological "waves" republican form of government; outlined attributes of republicanism in post-socialist countries; demonstrated methodological approaches for current republican forms of government understanding – dichotomous and trichotomous; outlined semi-presidentialism as particularized model of modern republicanism.Key words: republican government, "wave", presidentialism, parliamentarism, semi-presidentialism, dichotomous approach trichotomous approach. ; Запропоновано поетапний розгляд республіканських форм державного правління. Виокремлено теоретико-методологічні "хвилі" дослідження республіканських систем державного правління. Окреслено атрибути розвитку республіканізму в постсоціалістичних країнах світу. Продемонстровано методологічні підходи розуміння сучасних республіканських систем – дихотомічний і трихотомічний. Окреслено напівпрезиденталізм як окремішню модель сучасного республіканізму. Ключові слова: республіка, "хвиля", президенталізм, парламентаризм, напівпрезиденталізм, дихотомічний підхід, трихотомічний підхід.

This article analyzes the authority and power of the president and emphasizes his role as head of the government, neglected by the scholars of presidentialism. It is developed around the thesis that the president in Chile is less powerful of what the dominant vision of constitutionalists and politicians poses, which considers that the Chilean presidentialism is characterized by having a strong agent, with broad powers to influence the political process. ; Este artículo analiza la autoridad y el poder del presidente y pone énfasis en su función de jefe de gobierno, desatendida por los estudiosos del presidencialismo. Se desarrolla en torno a la tesis que el presidente en Chile es menos poderoso de lo que plantea la visión dominante de constitucionalistas y politólogos, que considera que el presidencialismo chileno se caracteriza por tener por un mandatario fuerte, dotado de amplias atribuciones para influir en el proceso político.

One of the crucial constitutional choices made in a democratizing or recently independent state is the structure of executive-legislative relations that forms into a parliamentary, presidential, or semi-presidential regime. Even so, only a few studies have sought the reasons for the establishment and least of all is known when it comes to the most recent of them: the semi-presidential one. The thesis aims to increase our knowledge on why and how semi-presidential regimes establish. This aim is approached through the use of three theoretical perspectives, including diffusion from abroad, the legacies incorporated in the domestic context, and the elites strategic bargaining expected by the perspective of transitional bargaining. Through its nested mixed methods approach, including two large-N and one single-case study, this thesis finds that semi-presidential establishment stem from all three perspectives: It is influenced by diffusion from international state networks, by legacies of post-communism and post-colonialism, as well as by the preferences of elite actors who attempt to act in a strategic manner. Semi-presidential establishment is thus a complex process and the application of the theoretical perspectives seem to depend on the level of uncertainty in the domestic context. Through its findings, this thesis increases our knowledge on why and how semi-presidential regimes are established. In addition, they contribute to the field of diffusion, semi-presidentialism, but also to the larger field of institutional studies. Future studies should test the application of the conclusions on parliamentary and presidential regimes and on all semi-presidential regimes part of the post-colonial context. ; Semi-Presidentialism and Governability in Transitional Regimes

This article seeks to explain variations in presidential activism in semi-presidential countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Africa is one of the continents where semi-presidentialism is most prevalent, but the dynamics of intra-executive relations are severely understudied. The four case studies discussed here—the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Cabo Verde, and São Tomé e Príncipe—belong to the premier-presidential subtype. In this exploratory study, we aim to examine how institutional dimensions of premier-presidentialism interact with contextual factors to explain variations in presidential activism among Sub-Saharan African countries. In addition to fundamental contextual differences among the two pairs of countries, francophone and lusophone, there are specific institutional factors associated with the design and operation of premier-presidentialism that contribute to greater presidential activism in the two francophone cases. Taken together, these contextual and institutional factors skew effective executive power heavily toward the president in our francophone countries. We also find that the degree of political institutionalization matters for the impact of presidential activism on intra-executive conflict and government policymaking capacity. The article increases our understanding of the operation of semi-presidentialism in this understudied region, underscoring the importance of both contextual and constitutional factors for explaining variations in presidential activism in Africa.

In this article, we analyse patterns of turnout and electoral choices of Cape Verde's citizens in different types of elections, looking at all legislative, presidential and local elections held between 1991 and 2016, and testing four hypotheses derived from the second-order election model about differences in terms of turnout, number of spoiled/blank papers, results for the incumbent party and the electoral success of smaller parties. Our results show that, in what regards turnout and electoral behaviour, local elections present the features of second-order elections much more clearly than the presidential elections in this semi-presidential regime. However, this pattern does not necessarily mean that voters look at the latter as less second-order, but since they often took place in the honeymoon period of the legislative electoral cycle, it may only mean that there were lower incentives to punish the incumbent and/or disengage from political participation. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This study maps the general lines of semi-presidential research with regard to theory, topics and methods. It identifies research gaps and provides recommendations for future studies. The review includes a general screening of 327 publications covering the period 1970–2015, and a close reading of sixty-five selected publications. The findings suggest that the inconsistent use of regime type definitions has limited the possibilities for generalizations. The study tracks the influence of some seminal articles, as well as the recent trend of focusing on the role and powers of the president. The article calls for more studies beyond Europe, and suggests that the field would benefit from including Historical and Normative Institutionalism. Finally, it suggests the need for studies on public administration that are relevant to the functioning of semi-presidential government. ; Open Access APC beslut 6/2018

In this article, we analyse patterns of turnout and electoral choices of Cape Verde's citizens in different types of elections, looking at all legislative, presidential and local elections held between 1991 and 2016, and testing four hypotheses derived from the second-order election model about differences in terms of turnout, number of spoiled/blank papers, results for the incumbent party and the electoral success of smaller parties. Our results show that, in what regards turnout and electoral behaviour, local elections present the features of second-order elections much more clearly than the presidential elections in this semi-presidential regime. However, this pattern does not necessarily mean that voters look at the latter as less second-order, but since they often took place in the honeymoon period of the legislative electoral cycle, it may only mean that there were lower incentives to punish the incumbent and/or disengage from political participation. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This research paper deals with the scientific research of institutional-procedural and behavioral attributes, principles and indicators of typology of mixed-type republics in European countries. The conducted scientific analysis gives grounds to argue that the defining directions in this context are the appeal to the problems of formation and activity of governments and the possibility of dissolving parliaments (ie scientific institutional and procedural differentiation of hybrid republican forms), dualism, legality and responsibility of executive bodies, as well as the index of presidential powers and the peculiarities of the dualism of the executive branch.

The paper examines the evolution of the Mexican presidential system from a diachronic point of view. In the first part, thepaper explores the historical evolution of the Mexican presidential system (paragraphs no. 1, 2, 3 and 4). In the second part of the paper, it is analyzed the traditional form of government of the Mexican legal system (paragraphs no. 5,6,7 and 8). Finally, in the third and last part, the paper retraces the current and innovative evolutions of the Mexican system (paragraphs no. 9 and 10)

The paper examines the evolution of the Mexican presidential system from a diachronic point of view. In the first part, the paper explores the historical evolution of the Mexican presidential system (paragraphs no. 1, 2, 3 and 4). In the second part of the paper, it is analyzed the traditional form of government of the Mexican legal system (paragraphs no. 5, 6, 7 and 8). Finally, in the third and last part, the paper retraces the current and innovative evolutions of the Mexican system (paragraphs no. 9 and 10).

Since the 1990s, debates on a constitutional system reform in Turkey have ignited controversies over the executive structure of its parliamentary system. This article looks at the debate in terms of the interaction between institutional dynamics and politicians' choices, shaped by past institutional transformations following transitions. It is contended that institutional weaknesses underlying both the presidency and executive-legislative relations in Turkey have provided strong incentives for incumbent elites to challenge existing parliamentary norms and advocate presidential alternatives. Far from contributing to a sober diagnosis of the problems of parliamentarism, the recent constitutional amendment introducing a system of executive presidency has further divided Turkey's already polarized political and civil society.