"As South Africa transitioned from apartheid to democracy, changes in the political landscape, as well as educational agendas and discourse on both a national and international level, shaped successive waves of curriculum reform over a relatively short period of time. Using South Africa as a germane example of how curriculum and pedagogy can interact and affect educational outcomes, Pedagogy in Poverty explores the potential of curricula to improve education in developing and emerging economies worldwide, and, ultimately, to reduce inequality.Incorporating detailed, empirical accounts of life inside South African classrooms, this book is a much-needed contribution to international debate surrounding optimal curriculum and pedagogic forms for children in poor schools. Classroom-level responses to curriculum policy reforms reveal some implications of the shifts between a radical, progressive approach and traditional curriculum forms. Hoadley focuses on the crucial role of teachers as mediators between curriculum and pedagogy, and explores key issues related to teacher knowledge by examining the teaching of reading and numeracy at the foundational levels of schooling.Offering a data-rich historical sociology of curriculum and pedagogic change, this book will appeal to academics, researchers and postgraduate students in the fields of education, sociology of education, curriculum studies, educational equality and school reform, and the policy and politics of education.
Repository: Oregon State University: ScholarsArchive@OSU
Graduation date: 2014 ; Founded over fifty years ago by K. Viswanathan, the Mitraniketan educational facility in Kerala, India provides literacy and vocational education to socially marginalized women, men, and children through nursery, elementary, high school and an educational preparatory program for young adults. Viswanathan founded the school on several ideals including Neo-Marxist, Quaker, and Gandhian notions of community participation as well as ones that emphasize the social and personal agency of marginalized peoples. This study focuses largely on the Mitraniketan People's College (MPC) and seeks to identify: 1) that which has contributed to the longevity and success of Mitraniketan; 2) any structural inequities that may or may not exist between educational offerings for women and men learners enrolled at the Mitraniketan People's College; and 3) the extent to which learners (particularly women) contribute to the development of their programs. Study participants included a combination of seventeen current and graduated students, as well as teachers, school administrators and the schools' founder. Ethnographic and feminist methodological approaches including participant observation were employed in data collection and analysis. This work draws upon the theoretical frameworks of progressive pedagogy, as well as transnational and postcolonial feminisms. Research outcomes revealed that 1) the school's longevity is grounded in the reciprocal relationship that the school's founder has established with various communities but that the strength of programming remains tenuous; 2) while female students at MPC are offered equal opportunities for learning, program offerings lack gender equity; and 3) while the ideals for liberatory education are in place, they are not consistently practiced; thus, students do not make holistic contributions to program development.
Trump, the Alt-Right and Public Pedagogies of Hate and for Fascism: What Is To Be Done? uses public pedagogy as a theoretical lens through which to view discourses of hate and for fascism in the era of Trump and to promote an anti-fascist and pro-socialist public pedagogy. It makes the case for re-igniting a rhetoric that goes beyond the undermining of neoliberal capitalism and the promotion of social justice, and re-aligns the left against fascism and for a socialism of the twenty-first century.Beginning with an examination of the history of traditional fascism in the twentieth century, the book looks at the similarities and differences between the Trump regime and traditional Western post-war fascism. Cole goes on to consider the alt-right movement, the reasons for its rise, and the significance of the internet being harnessed as a tool with which to promote a fascistic public pedagogy. Finally, the book examines the resistance against these discourses and addresses the question of: what is to be done?This topical book will be of great interest to scholars, to postgraduate students and to researchers, as well as to advanced undergraduate students in the fields of education studies, pedagogy, and sociology, as well as readers in general who are are interested in the phenomenon of Trumpism.
With the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, education about human rights became an important focus of the new human rights regime and a core method of spreading its values throughout the world. This story of human rights is consistently presented as a progressive teleology that contextualizes the expansion of rights within a larger grand narrative of liberalization, emancipation, and social justice. This paper examines the disjuncture between the grand narrative on international movements for human rights and social justice and the lived experiences of marginalized students in urban environments in the United States. Drawing on our experience as professors who teach human rights, social justice, and social movements courses at an urban, four-year college in Providence, R.I., with a student body which includes large populations of students who are of color, first-generation, economically disadvantaged, and nontraditional in other ways, we explore the relevance and impact of these grand narratives for the lives of our students and their sense of agency. In particular, we advocate for a critical and transformational approach to human rights pedagogy to counter and overcome the pervasive individualization that underwrites the grand narrative of human rights. We argue that a critical (and radical) human rights pedagogy must evaluate the position of the individual in modern life if liberation through human rights law and activism is to be possible.
This article draws from John Dewey's philosophy of education, ideas about democracy and pragmatist assumptions to explain how his articles for The New Republic functioned pedagogically. Taking media as a mode of public pedagogy, and drawing extensively from Dewey's Democracy and Education, as well as from his book The Public and its Problems, the article explores the relationships between communication, education and democracy using the expanded conceptions of all the aforementioned advanced by Dewey. Borrowing insights from Randolph Bourne, who used Dewey's own ideas to criticize his mentor's influence on intellectuals who supported US involvement in World War I, the analysis explores the contradictions within Dewey's public pedagogy. The article suggests Dewey's relevance as a public intellectual in the liberal-progressive press, his view of the State and some of his related presuppositions produced a tension in his thought, delimiting democratic possibilities while simultaneously pointing toward greater democratic potentials. The essay concludes by suggesting that learning from both Dewey and Bourne prompts us to get beyond the former's public/private dualism to realize what he called the "Great Community" by communicating and practicing the Commons.
Preparing an Inside/Out Prison Exchange Psychology Course: Innovation In Teaching and Pedagogy Funding Deb McMakin Gender Revolution Rebound? (Not So Much) Virginia Rutter with Braxton Jones and Jacqueline Boateng The Not So Bitter End: Completing a Book On Progressive Third Parties Jonathan Martin Facilitated by Joseph Adelman
It can be argued that nearly thirty years of heavily centralised intervention into English pedagogy, curriculum and assessment have had a deprofessionalising effect on teachers. The accountability stranglehold means it is safer for English teachers to implement accepted strategies that are perceived to enable pupils to negotiate assessment hurdles, rather than to take risks with their practice and teach English in a way that reflects their own beliefs and political ideas about the transformative power of the subject for children. History shows us that some of the most radical reformers of subject English harnessed their political ideals in their pursuit of a progressive pedagogy; is it possible now to adopt such an approach?
What follows is a bibliographic review of my online and print based articles and book chapters from 1993-2004 on various facets of the pedagogy, politics, and science of adult literacy education. A strong autobiographical emphasis is highlighted especially on pp. 9-14, but more broadly throughout the text in the argument carried out explicitly and implicitly that the pedagogical and political are personal “all the way down, ” to quote the aphoristic phrase of pragmatic philosopher, Richard Rorty. The common theme throughout all of the topics identified is an exploration of the complex relationship between the dynamics of my own lived experience as a director of adult literacy programming in Hartford, CT, and my alter vocation as an intellectual seeking to make sense of the scholarship of adult literacy in light of the concrete irreducibility of my own daily practice. There is much discussion in contemporary progressive circles in education of transforming theory into practice, although less so of transforming practice into theory, which might be viewed as the underlying aspiration of much of what I have written in
This thesis argues for pedagogical reform from within our educational system. It is an analysis of my own academic journey, first as student (elementary, secondary, collegiate) then as secondary English teacher. This thesis looks at current academic reform trends and determines that reform is a cyclical pattern that has offered only two kinds of pedagogies: traditional pedagogy and progressive pedagogy. The issue of reform is also closely considered and exemplified within this thesis because it has established a top-down business model that is also to blame for failed academic reform attempts. This thesis argues for the need to implement a critical pedagogy within secondary schooling; it argues for a need to examine individual ideologies, and it allows the reader to gain a different perspective on the issues that are continuously surrounding a teacher???s job.
La Declaració de Moscou sobre els Drets de la Infància va ser elaborada per un grup de pedagogs compromesos durant la Revolució Russa de 1917-1918 i va ser la manifestació d’una corrent emancipadora en la història dels Drets de la Infància. Analitzant fonts originals russes, l’autor presenta de manera detallada la Declaració. Explicant el seu rerefons polític i pedagògic i comentant els seus efectes i el seu significat i importància històrics,arriba a la conclusió que la Declaració constitueix una aportació important a la teoria i pràctica dels Drets de la Infància que mereix més atenció de la que generalment se li brinda. ; The Moscow Declaration on the Rights of the Child, which was drawn up during the Russian Revolution, in 1917-18, by a group of socially and politically engaged pedagogues, exemplifies an emancipatory current in the historyof children’s rights. Having examined original Russian sources, the author presents this little-known declaration in detail, outlining its political and pedagogical background, and comments on its historical impact and relevance, arriving at the conclusion that the declaration constitutes a valuable contribution to the theory and practice of children’s rights, whichdeserves greater attention than it has received. ; La Declaración de Moscú sobre los Derechos del Niño y la Niña fue elaborada por un grupo de pedagogos comprometidos durante la Revolución Rusa de 1917-1918 y fue la manifestación de una corriente emancipadora en la historia de los Derechos de la Infancia.Analizando fuentes originales rusas, el autor presenta de manera pormenorizada la Declaración. Explicando su trasfondo políticoy pedagógico y comentando sus efectos y su significado e importancia históricos, llega a la conclusión de que la Declaración constituyeun aporte importante a la teoría y práctica de los Derechos del Niño que merece más atención de la que generalmente se le brinda.
This Innovative Learning Environments case study has been prepared specifically for the OECD project and is circulated as background information for the Banff Conference. This primary school (students aged 6-10) has a special program to work with students from multi-ethnic / migration backgrounds, fostering their German (national language) proficiency and using the linguistic diversity of its students in language and culture workshops for all students. Parents and community members are involved in the classes, for example, non-native speaking student mothers participate in German courses, learning with and from their children, and daily English lessons are supported by a native speaker teaming with the form teacher. English is used as language of instruction in subjects like sports and arts. In addition to the emphasis on language learning, there is a focus on elements of progressive pedagogy, with students working independently, in flexible groupings with week plans. The school uses a European studies curriculum that was developed in cooperation with colleagues from other countries. A school development team of teachers works on new ideas and evaluates current practice.
This thesis explores the everyday experiences and aspirations of young people living in Los Angeles and London, focusing on their cultural and political dispositions, emotions, thoughts and practices, and how these converge with, and diverge from, the dominant neoliberal discourses they are surrounded by. The contemporary literature on youth and youth politics tends to view young people as active and cognizant agents in the reproduction of socio-cultural and political-economic institutions, discourses, and practices. Applying a socio-cognitive approach to the analysis of interview data, ethnographic observations, and media-cultural texts, this thesis contends that these bodies of literature neglect the unconscious dimensions of young people’s practices, and in particular, that insufficient emphasis is placed on how these contribute to the reproduction of neoliberalism. It argues that, if the literature on youth is to adequately conceptualize and represent young people and their roles in social reproduction, then research explorations must attend to these unconscious dimensions. As this thesis will demonstrate, doing so facilitates and enriches analyses of the ways in which different institutional settings influence, constrain, and enable young people, and of some of the ways that young people contest, internalize, and negotiate between the dominant societal discourses presented to them. The thesis also explores some of the lessons that a socio-cognitive approach to youth culture and politics can contribute to the work of critical educators concerned with progressive social change. It argues that critical and progressive educators must incorporate socio-cognitive insights into their practices in order to tackle the potential dispositional barriers which may hinder the realisation of the political objectives of critical and progressive pedagogy.
"Education and Democratic Participation is an important and timely contribution to the emerging debate surrounding the value of educating citizens and communities in order to empower them to participate in democratic change. Responding to the effects of neo-liberal ideology on comprehensive education and public services, this book examines the purposes and conditions for reimagining an educated democracy. Arguing that social divisions and cultural misrecognition have intensified to the point of crisis, Ranson explains that a just society must create opportunities for diverse, cohesive and tolerant neighbourhoods to flourish. In order to achieve this, education will need to reimagine learners as prospective citizens and as cooperative makers of the democratic communities in which they live and work. Showing that participation in public forums, councils and associations can provide a real means of enabling members of different communities to learn how to respect and value one another, this book provides persuasive arguments that a broader pedagogy of democracy is needed to confront the common dilemmas facing society. This work is aimed at researchers, academics and postgraduates, particularly those lecturing and studying in the areas of education, the social sciences and politics. It will also appeal to professional and practitioner communities in school and college teaching, as well as in local authorities and related public services."--Provided by publisher.
Prepoznatljivi signum novije hrvatske tradicije filozofije odgoja – od Vuk-Pavlovića preko Marinkovića do Polića – kritika je ideoloških posezanja u odgoj, njegove instrumentalizacije i svođenja na »gojidbenu manipulaciju«, a napose uloge koju u takvu djelovanju igraju pedagogija i obrazovne znanosti. Ta je kritika po svojim bitnim i nonkonformističkim obilježjima bliska praksisovskoj kritici dogmatskog marksizma i dijelom usporedna s njome. U potonjem je slučaju ujedno riječ o filozofskoj kritici društva i – naročito – društvenih znanosti, koja se razvila kroz direktno suočavanje s povijesnim iskustvom totalitarizma i autoritarnih režima 20. stoljeća. Tim slijedom, očuvanje i unaprjeđenje narečene kritičke tradicije zahtijeva teorijsko suočavanje s izazovima postmodernog i (post)demokratskog društva i politike. No, pri kritičkoj refleksiji o novijoj pedagogiji i obrazovnoj politici potrebno je također oslobađanje od strogih klasifikacijskih okvira dihotomije konzervativnog i progresivnog. O potrebi da se naglasak preusmjeri na autoritet znanja utemeljenog u nastavnim predmetima, na prijenos kulturnog i intelektualnog nasljeđa prošlosti, svjedoče autori koji se mogu svrstati s obje strane ideološke razdjelnice: Arendt, Oakeshott, Gramsci, Furedi, i drugi. Potonjima je također važno oblikovanje odgojnih ciljeva kojima se razvoj osobnosti pojedinca neće zanemariti u korist socijalizacije, integracije u društvo i raznih vidova socijalnog inženjeringa. Također, distanciranje škole od neposrednih imperativa javnosti, ekonomije i kaotičnih utjecaja postmoderne okoline, preduvjet je upravo razvitka kritičkog mišljenja, povijesnog mišljenja, kao i senzibiliziranja za stvarnu društvenu promjenu. ; The trademark of more recent Croatian traditions in philosophy of education – from Vuk-Pavlović and Marinković to Polić – is criticism of the encroachment of ideology into education, its instrumentalisation, and its reduction to “manipulative breeding”, and especially of the roles played by pedagogy and educational sciences in these actions. The major, non conformist markings of such criticism places it close to the Praxis school’s criticism of dogmatic Marxism, and allows a partial comparison with it. The latter case is both a philosophical criticism of society and of the social sciences, particularly, which developed through a direct confrontation with the historical experience of totalitarianism and 20th century authoritarian regimes. In that order, the maintenance and advancement of the socalled critical tradition demands a theoretical confrontation with the challenges of postmodern and (post)democratic society and politics. However, any critical reflection on more recent pedagogy and educational policy also requires liberation from the strict framework of the dichotomy between conservative and progressive. The need to shift the emphasis from the authority of knowledge founded in subjects to the transmission of the cultural and intellectual heritage of the past is witnessed by authors that can be placed on both sides of the ideological dividing line: Arendt, Oakeshott, Gramsci, Furedi, and others. The latter of these also held as significant the shaping of the educational goal, in which the development of personality should not be ignored in place of socialisation, integration into society, and various forms of social engineering. Also, distancing schools from the direct imperatives of the public, the economy, and the chaotic influence of postmodern surroundings is a precondition for the development of critical thinking, historical thinking, and sensitisation to real social change.