Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The beginning of the XX century was the time when the contradictions of the capitalism pass into imperialism and leaded to the World War Two. The imperialist relationships between states and the abnormal aggravation of the classes, divergences between bourgeoisie and proletariat extended the activity of bourgeoisie regarding the variety of culture. The fear for the existence of the bourgeoisie class and the desire for the preservation of the capitalist system were seen in the cultural attempts of the beginning of the XX century. In this period is seen the birth of the new pedagogy, which is recognised as the progressive pedagogy gaining role and importance in the capitalist world. The movement started first in the United States of America in the first hundred years of the XX century. The new ideas were first developed by some young teachers who tried to put these into practice. Step by step those ideas were supported by a wider scale of teachers or scholars. The pedagogic progressive movement was strengthened during the last twenty years of the XX century, reaching its peak with the foundation of the "Progressive Education Association".

This article describes how an Early Childhood Teacher Education program in Hawaii builds upon a history of progressivism in the field of early education in the U.S. to encourage students to become critical thinkers and agents of change. Reflecting through the historical lenses of educators such as Jane Addams, Patty Smith Hill and Lucy Sprague Mitchell, two progressive teacher educators call on their students to become ―transformative intellectuals‖ (Giroux, 1988) and move from being agents of surveillance to agents of change (Foucault, 1972, 1995). Student data from blogs and action research projects illustrate how students challenged habituated practices in the field of early child education (ECE), which has been rapidly moving toward a narrow focus on academic readiness and the standardization of children and programs as a consequence of No Child Left Behind legislation and the Race to the Top competition for federal funds.

Gerald Lopez's ground breaking book, Rebellious Lawyering: One Chicano's Vision of Progressive Law Practice, introduced new critical pathways and perspectives for clinical educators to better understand and enhance their advocacy, teaching, and scholarship. Indeed, Lopez's interdisciplinary investigation of the local, sociocultural context of the lawyering process produced a marked shift in both the pedagogy and the practice of public interest law, particularly civil rights and poverty law. A quarter century after its publication, Rebellious Lawyering stands out not only for its contextual critique of lawyering theory and practice, but also for its multifaceted integration of law, cultural studies, race and ethnicity, grassroots politics, and social movement history. At the same time, because it is descriptively anecdotal, rather than empirical, and prescriptively normative, rather than strictly methodological, it remains a work of organic and evolving clinical pedagogy and practice. The purpose of this article is to examine Rebellious Lawyering as a transformative, albeit unresolved, work of clinical theory and practice, and, thus, to underscore the continuing need to revise its teachings and practices to address a new century of poverty and inequality in America.

This dissertation marks out a modernist counter-tradition, analyzing a set of texts that locate critical potential in outmoded, paradigmatically pre-modern educational forms. I show that such an anachronism, common to Italian and English-language literary culture and, later, cinema, organizes works by Walter Pater, Giovanni Pascoli, James Joyce, Pier Paolo Pasolini, and Glauber Rocha. All of these figures, I argue, oppose ideologies of progress by returning to the Latin class long since left behind by progressive educators. Across the political spectrum, modernizing reformers claimed that old-school education, often disparagingly called "instruction," had become a dead weight, an impediment to progress. From Jean-Jacques Rousseau to John Dewey and Giovanni Gentile, these theorists declared instruction obsolete, deemed it empty, mechanical, infantilizing, and futile. Time and again, the discourse of progressive education targeted Latin in particular; the dead language—taught through such time-tested means as recitation, memorization, copying out, and corporal punishment—needed to be updated or eliminated, reformers argued, so that students could breathe free and become modern, achieving a break with convention and constraint. By contrast, the authors I study look to instruction's techniques precisely, and they find unlikely resources for a critique of modernity in the very practices that progressive reformers sought to clear away. Registering the past's persistence, these authors themselves persist in what look like most retrograde attachments—to tradition, transmission, scholastic rites, and repetitive verbal forms. But the pedagogies of constraint that they devise—pedagogies that I call "counter-progressive"—repeat the past to radical effect. Thus, against his own early liberal tendencies and a backdrop of broad educational reforms, Pater assigns "mechanical exercise" in his late essays, lectures, and fiction. Pascoli's Paedagogium makes the case for the embattled classical school, complementing the author's defense of this school against a range of reformist detractors. Joyce re-imagines the pensum, or punitive copying of text, as a literary form in "Oxen of the Sun," and Pasolini's Salò radicalizes other instructional rites. Rocha's Claro, finally, marks the limits of the counter-progressive pedagogy that it continues, returning, like all of the works I consider, to school, to Rome, and to a history that it cannot escape.

Historically, educators and philosophers have struggled with defining the role and the value of formal curriculum and its impact on classroom praxis. As the current accountability movement dominates discussions in education, educators are pressured to implement increasingly standardized curricula. The authors of this work consider these tensions, situated first within contrasting theories on teaching and learning. They then explore the concept of phronesis through an interpretive biography of one teacher-artist, Frieda, whose praxis also demonstrates the aesthetic and artistic side of the teaching-learning process. This ninety-year- old teacher-artistlsquo3Bs experiences with implementing her curriculums suggest that it is always possible to implement onelsquo3Bs praxis, despite any potential societal or legislative impediments. Frieda23393Bs story shows how a teacherlsquo3Bs praxis can incorporate Eisnerlsquo3Bs artistic approach to curriculum as well as many of Deweylsquo3Bs principles of child-centered pedagogy.

Trump, the Alt-Right and Public Pedagogies of Hate and for Fascism: What Is To Be Done? uses public pedagogy as a theoretical lens through which to view discourses of hate and for fascism in the era of Trump and to promote an anti-fascist and pro-socialist public pedagogy. It makes the case for re-igniting a rhetoric that goes beyond the undermining of neoliberal capitalism and the promotion of social justice, and re-aligns the left against fascism and for a socialism of the twenty-first century.Beginning with an examination of the history of traditional fascism in the twentieth century, the book looks at the similarities and differences between the Trump regime and traditional Western post-war fascism. Cole goes on to consider the alt-right movement, the reasons for its rise, and the significance of the internet being harnessed as a tool with which to promote a fascistic public pedagogy. Finally, the book examines the resistance against these discourses and addresses the question of: what is to be done?This topical book will be of great interest to scholars, to postgraduate students and to researchers, as well as to advanced undergraduate students in the fields of education studies, pedagogy, and sociology, as well as readers in general who are are interested in the phenomenon of Trumpism.

The combination of pedagogy and political aims, a constant theme in the progressive school education literature, is reflected as well in the history of museum education. Museum educators, following the lead of John Dewey, advocated for experiential pedagogy, a natural course for museums since they emphasize learning from objects and experiences rather than through lecture and text. But progressive museum educators also embraced the socio- political goals of progressive education. This was evident in the growing field of museum education during the progressive era, and, more recently in the history of the San Francisco Exploratorium and the Boston Childrenlsquo3Bs Museum, institutions that had close ideological and personal connections with progressive educators in the 1960s and 1970s.

As school districts across the US attempt to reduce their reliance on exclusionary punishment—and declining suspension and expulsion rates are heralded as signs of success—understanding the complexities of education and carcerality remains an urgent matter. Through a critical content analysis of a number of sources, including existing historical and ethnographic research, code of conduct handbooks, school websites, news articles, and data reports, this dissertation foregrounds an institution that is framed as an "alternative" to exclusionary punishment, yet is motivated by the same carceral logics that have long-haunted the school's practice of managing students. Chapter I introduces relevant literature on disciplinary alternative education, fleshes out major theoretical concepts, and locates the critique of the disciplinary alternative school within the broader projects of reform and carceral state expansion. Chapter II traces the history of the alternative school, situating it as a legacy of the state's disparate treatment of "problematic" youth during the Progressive era of the late 1800's and early 1900's. This chapter concludes that the alternative school has firm roots in the racialized notions of pathology and rehabilitation that motivated the child-saving and progressive alternative education movements. Chapter III demonstrates how the alternative school carries on the state's tradition of pathologizing predominantly poor families of color but through distinctly neoliberal channels, as Progressive era assumptions take new forms under the influence of responsibilization and a "new paternalism." Chapter IV undertakes a specific case study of Texas Disciplinary Alternative Education programs, illustrating how these schools prepare their students for futures of continued social and economic marginality within a neoliberal carceral state. Chapter V discusses how we can dismantle the carceral state and its adaptations, like the disciplinary alternative school, through the utopian imagination and abolition democracy. In its entirety, the dissertation uses the disciplinary alternative school as a heuristic model for recognizing and understanding the carceral state's ability to evolve and thrive through progressive reform efforts. Foregrounding the experiences of exclusion, surveillance, and structural disadvantage that are often obscured by reformist language is necessary if we wish to raze a carceral state that continues to persist in important ways.

This book presents a novel perspective on neocolonialism, education and other related issues. It unveils the effects of neocolonialism on the learning and well-being of students and workers, including marginalized groups such as Native Americans, Latino/as, and African Americans. It is a collection of in-depth interviews with and heartfelt essays by committed social justice educators and scholars genuinely concerned with educational issues situated in the context of western neocolonialism and neoliberalism.This dialogical way of discussing important issues and co-constructing knowledge can be

"As South Africa transitioned from apartheid to democracy, changes in the political landscape, as well as educational agendas and discourse on both a national and international level, shaped successive waves of curriculum reform over a relatively short period of time. Using South Africa as a germane example of how curriculum and pedagogy can interact and affect educational outcomes, Pedagogy in Poverty explores the potential of curricula to improve education in developing and emerging economies worldwide, and, ultimately, to reduce inequality.Incorporating detailed, empirical accounts of life inside South African classrooms, this book is a much-needed contribution to international debate surrounding optimal curriculum and pedagogic forms for children in poor schools. Classroom-level responses to curriculum policy reforms reveal some implications of the shifts between a radical, progressive approach and traditional curriculum forms. Hoadley focuses on the crucial role of teachers as mediators between curriculum and pedagogy, and explores key issues related to teacher knowledge by examining the teaching of reading and numeracy at the foundational levels of schooling.Offering a data-rich historical sociology of curriculum and pedagogic change, this book will appeal to academics, researchers and postgraduate students in the fields of education, sociology of education, curriculum studies, educational equality and school reform, and the policy and politics of education.

It can be argued that nearly thirty years of heavily centralised intervention into English pedagogy, curriculum and assessment have had a deprofessionalising effect on teachers. The accountability stranglehold means it is safer for English teachers to implement accepted strategies that are perceived to enable pupils to negotiate assessment hurdles, rather than to take risks with their practice and teach English in a way that reflects their own beliefs and political ideas about the transformative power of the subject for children. History shows us that some of the most radical reformers of subject English harnessed their political ideals in their pursuit of a progressive pedagogy; is it possible now to adopt such an approach?

Since the early 1970s, an important but under-examined subgenre of Made-for-Television Movies have foregrounded critical LGBT concerns, including coming out, parental custody, HIV/AIDS, gays in the military, and hate crimes or featured affirmative LGBT representations. These programs, often highly-rated and critically-acclaimed, were nonetheless sites of political contestation from social conservatives and LGBT activists. Through the lenses of critical media pedagogy, critical cultural studies, and critical media industries studies, this dissertation conducts a critical cultural history of LGBT TV movies. This history includes critical case studies of twenty seminal LGBT programs featuring original interviews with the producers, executives, and writers responsible for their pedagogical design. The evidence reflects how these programs helped frame these concerns, educate audiences, and advocate on behalf of the LGBT community. This research further suggests how progressive pedagogues and media producers might collaborate to help address other social issues through the use of critical entertainment.

This article draws from John Dewey's philosophy of education, ideas about democracy and pragmatist assumptions to explain how his articles for The New Republic functioned pedagogically. Taking media as a mode of public pedagogy, and drawing extensively from Dewey's Democracy and Education, as well as from his book The Public and its Problems, the article explores the relationships between communication, education and democracy using the expanded conceptions of all the aforementioned advanced by Dewey. Borrowing insights from Randolph Bourne, who used Dewey's own ideas to criticize his mentor's influence on intellectuals who supported US involvement in World War I, the analysis explores the contradictions within Dewey's public pedagogy. The article suggests Dewey's relevance as a public intellectual in the liberal-progressive press, his view of the State and some of his related presuppositions produced a tension in his thought, delimiting democratic possibilities while simultaneously pointing toward greater democratic potentials. The essay concludes by suggesting that learning from both Dewey and Bourne prompts us to get beyond the former's public/private dualism to realize what he called the "Great Community" by communicating and practicing the Commons.

In this paper, I suggest that using contemplative pedagogy and practices in the classroom will help in fostering transformative learning which plays a fundamental role in bringing a positive social and political reform in the society. Contemplative pedagogy and its practices are quiet instrumental in promoting transformative learning in youth during Higher Education as it helps in establishing a better understanding of existing thoughts, emotions, feelings and beliefs and helps in altering it for good, hence all this can be directed towards bringing a radical and progressive change in self and society. It also develops and improves resilience among students. Critical Pedagogy invites both students and teachers to critically investigate and analyze the political and social issues prevailing in the society, nation, religion or culture as well as the consequences of social inequity or injustice and whereas contemplative is cultivating self awareness, a fusion of both the unified pedagogies into teaching and learning will help in resolving stress and pain on the individual and a collective level. Hence this essay is written to promote developing a framework or a curriculum that provides room for applying contemplative pedagogy into existing education practice and policy. Incorporating its practices into learning will help students to develop a 'democratic heart' as well as a 'democratic society'. This paper focuses on how cultivating mindfulness in education system especially during higher studies can work as a therapeutic aid in managing stress, depression, anxiety issues and will enhance learning, developing a conducive teacher-student relationship, enhancing creative attention and active student's engagement in classroom and other activities.

This article draws from John Dewey's philosophy of education, ideas about democracy and pragmatist assumptions to explain how his articles for The New Republic functioned pedagogically. Taking media as a mode of public pedagogy, and drawing extensively from Dewey's Democracy and Education, as well as from his book The Public and its Problems, the article explores the relationships between communication, education and democracy using the expanded conceptions of all the aforementioned advanced by Dewey. Borrowing insights from Randolph Bourne, who used Dewey's own ideas to criticize his mentor's influence on intellectuals who supported US involvement in World War I, the analysis explores the contradictions within Dewey's public pedagogy. The article suggests Dewey's relevance as a public intellectual in the liberal-progressive press, his view of the State and some of his related presuppositions produced a tension in his thought, delimiting democratic possibilities while simultaneously pointing toward greater democratic potentials. The essay concludes by suggesting that learning from both Dewey and Bourne prompts us to get beyond the former's public/private dualism to realize what he called the "Great Community" by communicating and practicing the Commons.