Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
Lithuania is one of the few states in the world whose security and defence strategy assigns an important role to civilian resistance (civilian defence) in addition to the usual military defence. This paper explores the historical circumstances and theoretical presuppositions that have influenced the focussing of Lithuania's political elite on this non-traditional form of defence. First, there is a short survey of the development of the theory of civilian defence and an overview of the way some of its elements have been applied in Lithuania's movement for liberation in 1990-91. Next, there is an analysis of the way civilian resistance and civilian defence are conceived in the documents defining Lithuania's security and defence policies. Finally, an attempt is made at identifying the role and the prospects of civilian resistance within contemporary security and defence system of Lithuania; the conclusion made is that under conditions of Euro-Atlantic integration and globalization, civilian resistance, as a way of defending civil rights, remains a viable option of response to any kind of threat.
'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.
'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.
'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.
'Politicians' Concept Evolution and Prospects of the Formation of the State Image in Lithuania since 1991. Their Impact on Lithuanian Foreign Policy' analyses the topic of the image formation in the country. The object of the work is the image of the country as a soft power tool in order to realize the strategic nation's goals. Basically nowadays the hard power resigns the place to the methods of the soft power. It goes without saying that both powers always functioned and, in my opinion, will function, but this time there is a clear overbalance in the side of the soft power. In most countries lots of selling companies work in the sort of the same market and offer the same products (democratic, freedom, citizen's relief and all that). The ability to sell their goods (certain interests in the case of the countries') depends on the facility to create their own appropriate image. Therein lays the main connection between the international and country's political image. With reference to Wendt's A. social constructivism theory, the order in the world is determined not only by the distribution of the material capability, but also by inter-subjective ideas which embody the countries' identity and treatment. It is worth to modify that the main essence of the social constructivism theory is to conceive what the country itself is and only then it can be pointed where to go and how to do this. The identity can service for this. The aim of the research is to analyze the politics of the image formatting through the main formatting elements and present the links of the politics and foreign policy characterizing specific problems and setting the recommendations. The hypothesis of the research is to prove that the image of the country can influence the direction of the nation's foreign policy and help to pursue strategic purposes. Has the impact on the country's position in the international relations. It can be recognized that many mistakes are being made in creating the image of Lithuania. An artificially and thoughtlessly formatted conception is interesting only for the founders and it does not reach its goal. On the other hand, I disagree with the thoughts that there is no need to create the image, that the prospect (reality) will create the image itself. The trouble is that the image made by the prospect could not be acceptable for us and as it can be seen from the developing situation, it can not even be formatted, and Lithuania as the country can stay prosy, unknown and unremarkable. The research has shown that Lithuania used its image properly even though obliviously until 2004 while joining the transatlantic organizations when the priorities of the foreign policy were very obvious. After the admission to the transatlantic organizations, Lithuania can not find its own place in the world. The image formation does not have a vivid support because of the vague foreign policy. Another burning problem is that Lithuania confronts with is a continuity of the image formation politics. Finally according to the audit's results which have been accomplished in 2009, it can be emphasized that there is no a united opinion about what a positive image of the country is. The funds are exploited inefficiently therefore they are not followed by 'The umbrella' principle. The present situation has two scripts: Lithuania is still staying as an unknown country for the first case which will have an obvious impact on the economic difficulty because of the 'Made in.' effect and will reform the existing institution of the image formation, dispose all possible actions and create a new strategy which would encompass a slogan and goods' logo. For the strategy not to be accomplished only on the paper, it is essential to reform the main six areas of the image formation adjusting infrastructural problems and finally defining the precise priorities of the foreign policy.
International relations can be considered as a set of interactions between the actors of international system. As a result of these interactions some actors gain a reputation of reliable and stable while the others perform as irrational and unpredictable. The main goal of these masters' theses was to identify when and how should the seemingly "irrational" behavior of the international actor be considered as a rational strategy aiming at some certain objectives. The subject of this research is the interactions between two states in which the structural and comparative power of the one state is lower than the one of the other. Under these circumstances the state which possesses lower power seeks to raise it in relation to the stronger state. The author of this research hypothesizes that the aim of the behavior which seems irrational to the other players of the international system may be the creation of the conditions of uncertainty. The later can be used as a means of rising structural power of the actor who necessitated it. The Author approaches the logic of the theory of rational choice as well as examines the prospects of using the particular models of game theory as a tool of analyzing the abovementioned interactions of two states the structural and comparative power of which is notably unequal. After analyzing the impact of imperfect information as well as the mistrust in the rationality of the partners of the game, the Author comes to conclusion that the abovementioned factors may be intentionally encouraged to bind the rationality of the adversary.
International relations can be considered as a set of interactions between the actors of international system. As a result of these interactions some actors gain a reputation of reliable and stable while the others perform as irrational and unpredictable. The main goal of these masters' theses was to identify when and how should the seemingly "irrational" behavior of the international actor be considered as a rational strategy aiming at some certain objectives. The subject of this research is the interactions between two states in which the structural and comparative power of the one state is lower than the one of the other. Under these circumstances the state which possesses lower power seeks to raise it in relation to the stronger state. The author of this research hypothesizes that the aim of the behavior which seems irrational to the other players of the international system may be the creation of the conditions of uncertainty. The later can be used as a means of rising structural power of the actor who necessitated it. The Author approaches the logic of the theory of rational choice as well as examines the prospects of using the particular models of game theory as a tool of analyzing the abovementioned interactions of two states the structural and comparative power of which is notably unequal. After analyzing the impact of imperfect information as well as the mistrust in the rationality of the partners of the game, the Author comes to conclusion that the abovementioned factors may be intentionally encouraged to bind the rationality of the adversary.
During the time when Lithuania was incorporated into Soviet Union there was no opening for objective development of law history science. At the time when academical freedom was abolished, open scientific discussion possibility was dissolved and the system of restricted areas in social sciences was created, the main obstacle of this development arose which was the total claims of the state monopoly of mindset. The additional opportunities for reaching the goals of idiological nature were created by presenting law and state history in complex. The history of law was effected by explicit demand for "party membership" as were all the other sciences and it led to estimating all public and legal occurences and processes from perspective of revolutional working class that was considered to be the most consistent with the comunist party with its marxistic theory in the front lines. From the class party positions people representing law science were directed to unconditionally argue in favour of high standards of Soviet law, Soviet state and Soviet Lithuanian statehood as well as its sovereignty, democracy and other superficial advantages. It took great effort and time to assimilate and adjust to the new ideology and methodology of the Soviet legislation, at least to the extent that it allowed to see it as an object of scientific research study. Under these circumstances many of the scientific community preferred to research historical aspects of law as a specialised area which allowed better prospects of achieving at least some measure of outcome from scientific research. The superiority of historical data over the challenges of the Soviet law that had not been fully mastered yet resulted in increased attention to the history of law. The scientific undertakings in the area of the Soviet law was a waste of energy and potential in the eyes of researchers, especially since socialistic law was considered as doomed with no future prospects. However, this was not meant to completely discard the importance of such research. It produced a volume of historical and factual data, whereas the researchers involved acquired skills and experience which contributed to their future scientific undertakings.
During the time when Lithuania was incorporated into Soviet Union there was no opening for objective development of law history science. At the time when academical freedom was abolished, open scientific discussion possibility was dissolved and the system of restricted areas in social sciences was created, the main obstacle of this development arose which was the total claims of the state monopoly of mindset. The additional opportunities for reaching the goals of idiological nature were created by presenting law and state history in complex. The history of law was effected by explicit demand for "party membership" as were all the other sciences and it led to estimating all public and legal occurences and processes from perspective of revolutional working class that was considered to be the most consistent with the comunist party with its marxistic theory in the front lines. From the class party positions people representing law science were directed to unconditionally argue in favour of high standards of Soviet law, Soviet state and Soviet Lithuanian statehood as well as its sovereignty, democracy and other superficial advantages. It took great effort and time to assimilate and adjust to the new ideology and methodology of the Soviet legislation, at least to the extent that it allowed to see it as an object of scientific research study. Under these circumstances many of the scientific community preferred to research historical aspects of law as a specialised area which allowed better prospects of achieving at least some measure of outcome from scientific research. The superiority of historical data over the challenges of the Soviet law that had not been fully mastered yet resulted in increased attention to the history of law. The scientific undertakings in the area of the Soviet law was a waste of energy and potential in the eyes of researchers, especially since socialistic law was considered as doomed with no future prospects. However, this was not meant to completely discard the importance of such research. It produced a volume of historical and factual data, whereas the researchers involved acquired skills and experience which contributed to their future scientific undertakings.
The paper discusses technological conditions and political-economical outcomes of the forthcoming scientific-technological revolution. Its technological conditions will be created by the synthetic biology (extreme genetic engineeering) as new technoscience in the making which promises the transition from the tinkering modification of the genome of natural life species to the creation of the artificial life species. Mass media focus on the prospects of synthetic biology in the medical biotechnologies. However, the changes in the energetics, technology of traditional and computer industries brought by the advances in the synthetic biology may have much more important economic outcomes, unleashing the 6th Kondratieff wave. The political economical outcome of the synthetic biology technological revolution will be the formation of the new biocapitalist mode of production which will succeed contemporary digital capitalism. The author rejects technological determinism as general theory of causes of social change. However, technological determinism remains suitable for the explanation of social change in the societies grounded in the technocapitalist modes of production. Prediction by Ray Kurzweil of transhuman singularity imminent after synthetic biological revolution in technology is also rejected. The paper closes with the alternative to the official scenario of development of Lithuania by and after 2030.
The paper discusses technological conditions and political-economical outcomes of the forthcoming scientific-technological revolution. Its technological conditions will be created by the synthetic biology (extreme genetic engineeering) as new technoscience in the making which promises the transition from the tinkering modification of the genome of natural life species to the creation of the artificial life species. Mass media focus on the prospects of synthetic biology in the medical biotechnologies. However, the changes in the energetics, technology of traditional and computer industries brought by the advances in the synthetic biology may have much more important economic outcomes, unleashing the 6th Kondratieff wave. The political economical outcome of the synthetic biology technological revolution will be the formation of the new biocapitalist mode of production which will succeed contemporary digital capitalism. The author rejects technological determinism as general theory of causes of social change. However, technological determinism remains suitable for the explanation of social change in the societies grounded in the technocapitalist modes of production. Prediction by Ray Kurzweil of transhuman singularity imminent after synthetic biological revolution in technology is also rejected. The paper closes with the alternative to the official scenario of development of Lithuania by and after 2030.
The paper discusses technological conditions and political-economical outcomes of the forthcoming scientific-technological revolution. Its technological conditions will be created by the synthetic biology (extreme genetic engineeering) as new technoscience in the making which promises the transition from the tinkering modification of the genome of natural life species to the creation of the artificial life species. Mass media focus on the prospects of synthetic biology in the medical biotechnologies. However, the changes in the energetics, technology of traditional and computer industries brought by the advances in the synthetic biology may have much more important economic outcomes, unleashing the 6th Kondratieff wave. The political economical outcome of the synthetic biology technological revolution will be the formation of the new biocapitalist mode of production which will succeed contemporary digital capitalism. The author rejects technological determinism as general theory of causes of social change. However, technological determinism remains suitable for the explanation of social change in the societies grounded in the technocapitalist modes of production. Prediction by Ray Kurzweil of transhuman singularity imminent after synthetic biological revolution in technology is also rejected. The paper closes with the alternative to the official scenario of development of Lithuania by and after 2030.