Suchergebnisse

Gospodarske i društvene krize prilika su za protestne stranke da dignu svoj glas i da se izbore za nove pozicije na političkoj sceni. Mnogi analitičari smatraju da su stranke radikalne desnice dobile zamah upravo na protestima građana protiv globalizacije, ekonomske deprivacije i utjecaja gospodarske krize. Pomnijim proučavanjem radikalizacije politike vidi se da pojednostavljivanje te teze nema naročito čvrsto uporište. U nedostatku jasnih metodologija politolozi i drugi društveni znanstvenici pokušavaju uobličiti teorije zasnovane na empirijskim istraživanjima. Jedan je od čestih teorijskih okvira odnos populističkih stranaka prema socioekonomskom stanju u zemlji. Prema toj tezi, u vremenu globalne krize postotak glasača za radikalne političke opcije raste, većinom iz protesta, a ne antisustavnosti. Ovo izlaganje prati i stanje u Srednjoj Europi, odnosno rezultate ovogodišnjih izbora u Mađarskoj, Latviji i Slovačkoj kao zemljama sa snažnom radikalnom desnicom. Na primjerima tih zemalja nastoji se utvrditi može li se socioekonomska teorija aplicirati ili se radi o većim izazovima liberalnoj demokraciji s krajnjeg desnog pola. ; Economic and social crises provide an opportunity for protest parties to raise their voices and to win new positions in the political arena. Many analysts deem that the parties of the radical Right gained momentum exactly with the protests by citizens against globalisation, economic deprivation and the impact of the economic crisis. A more detailed study of the radicalisation of politics reveals that the simplification of this thesis does not have a particularly strong justification. In the absence of clear methodologies, political scientists and other social scientists seek to formulate theories based on empirical research. One of the frequent theoretical frameworks is the attitude of populist parties toward the socio-economic situation in the country. According to this thesis, in the period of a global crisis, the percentage of voters of radical political options increases, mostly out of protest, and not as an anti-systemic phenomenon. This paper also examines the situation in Central Europe, as well as the outcomes of this year's elections in Hungary, Latvia and Slovakia as countries with a strong radical Right. By analysing the cases of these countries, the author seeks to establish whether the socio-economic theory can be applied, or whether these countries are facing greater challenges to liberal democracy posed by the far-right pole.

Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja. ; Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in political institutions, the paper examines trust in the government and representative institutions and trust in executive institutions as predictors of voting and protest participation, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2017). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater trust in government and representative institutions is associated with more frequent voting and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in executive institutions is only associated with a lower propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied with greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with the propensity for protest participation. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the trust in government and representative institutions as a unique positive predictor of voting. The results are discussed in view of the high association between the two forms of political trust in the Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of political participation.

Nove stranke, koje su se pojavile nakon pokreta 15-M te kao odgovor na mjere štednje u Španjolskoj, žele se razvijati kao stranke otvorene za sudjelovanje i deliberaciju svih građana. U kojoj se mjeri ostvaruju ti ideali? Cilj je ovog članka opisati i vrednovati procese online deliberacije dviju najvažnijih stranaka u Španjolskoj, Podemos i Barcelona En Comú, na temelju uobičajenih kriterija u literaturi kojima se mjeri online deliberacija. Konkretno, analizirali smo dva prijedloga o kojima se najviše glasovalo na online platformi Plaza Podemos te online razvoj izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Provedena je analiza sadržaja 713 objava s online platforme Plaza Podemos i 563 objave koje se tiču izbornog programa stranke Barcelona En Comú. Obje platforme posjeduju strukturne i tehničke kriterije za poticanje deliberacije, ali je vanjski utjecaj vidljiv samo u slučaju stranke Barcelona En Comú. Kvaliteta deliberativne komunikacije je dobra, ali kriteriji refleksivnosti, inkluzije i pluralnosti nisu zadovoljeni. ; The new parties that emerged following the 15-M movement and against the austerity measures in Spain want to build parties open to the participation and deliberation for all the citizenry. To what extent are these ideals being fulfilled? The aim of this article is to describe and assess some of the main online deliberative processes of the two most important parties, Podemos and Barcelona En Comú, following commonly accepted criteria in the literature for measuring online deliberation. Specifically, we have examined the two most-voted proposals from the online platform Plaza Podemos and the online development of the electoral programme of Barcelona En Comú. Thus, we have conducted a content analysis of 713 (Plaza Podemos) and 563 (Barcelona En Comú) posts. Both platforms meet the structural and technical criteria for fostering deliberation, but the external impact is high only in the case of Barcelona En Comú. The deliberative quality of the communication is good but not the criteria of reflexivity, inclusion and plurality.

Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.

U ovom se članku istražuje kako birači i političari putem društvenih medija komuniciraju o važnim temama u situacijama koje mobiliziraju veći broj ljudi, kao što su izbori i prosvjedi. U radu se analizira slučaj predsjedničkih izbora u Rumunjskoj 2014. godine, kada su birači imali aktivnu ulogu u promoviranju tema koje kandidati u početku nisu spominjali u svojim kampanjama. Dvije su teme proizišle kao osobito važne iz perspektive birača: sustavna korupcija i optužbe da vlada namjerno ometa proces glasovanja u zajednicama rumunjske dijaspore. Automatska i ručna analiza sadržaja korisničkih komentara i materijala iz kampanje u društvenim medijima otkriva, iako je teško precizno dokazati kauzalnu povezanost, da su zahtjevi birača koji se tiču spomenutih tema imali aktivnu ulogu u promjeni strategija kampanja kandidata. ; This article examines how voters and politicians interact through social media to communicate salient issues in highly mobilising contexts, such as elections and protests. It analyses the case of Romania's 2014 presidential elections, where voters played an active role in promoting themes that candidates had not initially addressed in their campaigns. Two topics emerged as particularly important from the voters' perspective: systemic corruption and accusations of the government deliberately hindering the voting process in Romanian diaspora communities. A mixed approach of automated and manual content analysis of user comments and campaign materials on social media reveals that, while it is difficult to make precise causal claims, voter demands with regards to these topics had an active role in influencing changes in candidates' campaign strategies.

Ovaj rad ispituje odnos između građanskih prosvjeda i društvenih medija iz perspektive istraživačkog programa kolektivnog djelovanja. Dok literatura ukazuje na snažne empirijske dokaze o pozitivnom odnosu između upotrebe društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda, teorijsko je podupiranje ovog odnosa osporavano i često neodređeno. Nastojeći pružiti snažniju teorijsku osnovu za taj odnos, ovaj rad istražuje teorije kolektivnog djelovanja fokusirajući se na društvene medije i njihovu ulogu u rješavanju problema kolektivnog djelovanja onih koji se suprotstavljaju službenoj politici. Rad promišlja kako upotreba teorije kolektivnog djelovanja za razumijevanje društvenih medija i prosvjeda može poslužiti boljem razumijevanju pozitivnog odnosa između društvenih medija i pojave građanskih prosvjeda. ; This article examines the relationship between social protest and social media from the theoretical perspective of the Collective Action Research Program. While the literature shows strong empirical evidence for a positive relationship between social media use and incidents of social protest, the theoretical underpinnings of this relationship remain contested and often unspecified. In order to provide a stronger theoretical basis for this relationship this paper explores theories of collective action, focusing on how social media can assist in solving the dissident collective action problem. It argues that using collective action theory to understand social media and protest can better inform our understanding of how and why social media shares a positive relationship with incidents of social protest.

Using critical theory of media and technology as a theoretical framework, we describe the dialectical interrelation between (media) technology and democratic changes, where new media technology only paved the way to organization and exchange of information during 'Arab Spring', but was not its cause. 'Arab Spring' as the case in point proved a negative correlation between the level of communication technology (new media) and the intensity of protests, according to which a higher level of accessibility to new media led to a lower level of protests. Also, we observe an uneven impact of new media on democratic changes, i.e. internet social networks had a secondary role in creating media news, compared to satellite TV which at an early stage of 'Arab Spring' enabled the actors of online civil society to have an impact on state politics to a large extent. Arab new media cannot yet lead to democratic changes nor explain their causes, but merely alter patterns of mobilization and organization of social and political events. Adapted from the source document.

This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

This work analyzes the relation between democracy & political participation, the typology & model of political participation, the findings of the research of political participation in the world (S. Verba, N. H. Nie, 1972; S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, 1979; & others), & the research of the same phenomenon on a sample of Croatian students. This analysis has shown that today all the elements necessary for a more comprehensive theory of political participation are in place. This theory would enable a more systematic & standardized investigation of this phenomenon in the national & the international context. The article also shows how the nonconventional participation is gaining ground while the conventional is gradually leveling out. Significant are the results of the analysis of the etiology of political participation, particularly the relation between the standard SES model & the model of value orientations (left-right materialism, materialism-postmaterialism, etc). The analysis of the model of participation of Croatian students has shown that the model of 'protest behavior/potential' has a more complex etiology than other models, such as conventional participation & voting in parliamentary elections. Thus, for the 'protest potential' it is necessary to possess a developed civic competence, a critical attitude toward the government's performance, a liberal arts education, etc, while for the conventional participation it is central to have a higher level of political interest. Significant differences between the Croatian students & those from other European countries can be observed regarding the role of value orientations in explaining political participation. 5 Tables, 1 Graph. Adapted from the source document.

Ministarstvo kulture 2013. godine provodi istraživanje o stanju u medijima, a 2015. godine započinje raspravu o medijskoj politici te donosi deset dokumenata koji služe kao temelj za medijske politike u RH od 2015. do 2020. godine. Nemoguće je tvrditi da je samo ekonomska kriza uzrok krize u medijima, iako postoji sveza jer je pad broja oglasa u medijima za sobom donio i pad broja zaposlenih. Manji broj novinara u redakcijama utjecao je na pad kvalitete novinskih uradaka, a ekspanzija društvenih medija te jačanje portala na internetu, usmjerili su novinarstvo u drugom smjeru. Erozija demokratske funkcije medija termin je s kojim se danas susrećemo kada govorimo u "krizi" ili stanju u medijima. Iako je prethodno održano nekoliko tematskih prosvjeda Hrvatskoga novinarskog društva, u ožujku 2019. godine organiziran je opći prosvjed nazvan Oteli ste medije, novinarstvo ne damo. Prosvjed je imao za cilj uručiti Vladi osam zahtjeva koji se odnose na sudske tuže, pritiske politike i oglašivača, prijetnje novinarima, ugrožavanje profesionalnih standarda, nepoštivanje medijskih zakona kao te izostanak ozbiljne medijske politike. Iako rasprava o medijskoj politici završava u 2020. godine, sami novinari navode izostanak adekvatne strategije. S obzirom na završetak petogodišnjega razdoblja rasprave o medijskoj politici, u radu će se prikazati rekapitulacija protekloga razdoblja. Je li sve navedeno uzrok daljnje krize u medijima te erozije funkcije medija, autori će nastojati utvrditi u radu. Za potrebe rada provedena je anketa među novinarima dostupnim na društvenoj mreži LinkedIn. Također će se napraviti komparacija s početnim stanjem rasprave o medijskoj politici i dobivenih rezultate. Slijedom slogana prosvjeda, pokušat će se dati odgovor tko je oteo medije te kakva je ocjena novinarstva u Hrvatskoj. ; The Ministry of Culture in 2013 conducts research on the media situation, and in 2015 begins discussions on media policy and adopts ten documents that serve as the basis for media policies in the Republic of Croatia in the period 2015 to 2020. It is impossible to argue that only economic crisis is the cause of the crisis in the media, although there is a link because the decrease in the number of advertisements in the media has also led to a decrease in the number of employees. Fewer journalists in newsrooms have affected the decline in the quality of news articles, and the expansion of social media and the strengthening of online portals have directed journalism in another direction. Erosion of the democratic function of the media is a term that we come across today when we speak in a "crisis" or situation in the media. Although several thematic protests have been held by the Croatian Journalist Society, a general protest called "You kidnapped the media, we don't give journalism" was organized in March 2019. The protest was intended to deliver to the Government of eight claims relating to the largest number of lawsuits, political PR and prints and advertisers' pressures, threats against journalists, jeopardizing the professional rights and standards, failure to comply with media laws and the lack of serious media policy. Although the debate on media policy, in the framework of the start, ending in 2020. Godin e journalists themselves referred to the lack of adequate strategies. Given the end of the five-year media policy debate period, a recapitulation of the past period will be made through the paper. Is all of the above a cause of further media crisis and erosion of media function, the authors will endeavour to determine through the work. For the paper, a survey was conducted among journalists available through the LinkedIn social network. Equally, a comparison will be made with the initial state of the media policy debate and the results obtained will be compared. Following the slogan of the protest, an attempt will be made to answer who abducted the media and what is the rating of journalism in Croatia.

U svom djelu Zatvorena trgovačka država iz 1800. godine, njemački filozof Johann Gottlieb Fichte zagovara ekonomsku autarkiju kao radikalan oblik protekcionizma, dok 1840. njemačko-američki ekonomist Friedrich List izdaje »bibliju protekcionizma«, djelo Nacionalni sustav političke ekonomije u kojem se suprotstavlja učenju Adama Smitha o važnosti slobodne trgovine i međunarodne razmjene. Pitanje otvorene ili zatvorene privrede iznimno je aktualno s obzirom na to da su globalizacijski procesi rezultirali rastućim nejednakostima i drugim anomalijama te se, kao reakcija, ponovno javljaju, ako su ikad i nestale, snažne protekcionističke prakse. U radu će se pokušati odgovoriti na pitanje je li globalni kapitalizam nužno suprotstavljen ekonomskom nacionalizmu te koju poziciju u toj opreci danas zauzimaju lijeve i desne političke opcije. Naime, umjesto lijeva ili desna, sve češće može se čuti da je neka stranka sistemska ili prosvjedna, pri čemu se tzv. sistemskima predbacuje da žele zadržati status quo u provođenju neoliberalne agende, dok prosvjedne često klize u populizme i nacionalizme. ; Johann Gottlieb Fichte in his work The Closed Commercial State (1800) argued for economic autarky as the next reform of protectionism. German-American economist Friedrich List published The National System of Political Economy (1840) which is considered to be the "Bible of protectionism". List was the opponent of Adam Smith's theses on the importance of free trade and international market. The advocate in a shift from open to closed economy is actual in the globalized world, which is determined by growing inequality and other social and political anomalies. Protectionism is imposed as a possible response to the discontents of globalization. The paper attempts to answer if there is a link between global capitalism and economic nationalism, and how are left and right political parties related to that possible link. Recently, in the days of political dissatisfaction, the alternative between left and right positions is replaced by the opposition between system and anti-system or protest parties. While system parties are criticized for keeping a status quo of neoliberal agenda, protest parties slide into nationalism and populism.

Describes the study of the evolution of the awareness (understanding) & the practice (activities, participation) of citizenship among Croatian high school students (the first new generation of full-age citizens). The research was conducted in line with similar models in relevant international studies, which enabled a comparative analysis. The analysis of the concept (basic theory) of citizenship was followed by a comparative analysis of the development & the distribution of the citizenship awareness & the yardsticks of the practice of citizenship among Croatian high school students. A number of indicators of the awareness of citizenship (civic identity, the model & the type of citizenship, the concept of the "good citizen," & the concept of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy), & several measures of the practice of citizenship (political interest, discussing politics, following news in the media, the expected conventional & protest political activism, political tolerance) have been used. The comparative analysis has shown that the Croatian students are in some aspects of citizenship at the level of students in many of the comparison nations, but that in others there are significant differences; eg, their level of political interest is significantly lower. The analysis has shown that there is a high awareness of the rights, but relatively a low awareness of the duties, which may be the main problem in the development of political culture of Croatian students & citizens. The expected conventional & protest participation among the Croatian students is significantly lower than among students from other countries. The research also shows that among Croatian students (that phenomenon has also been noticed in other countries) there is a significant discrepancy between, for example, the awareness of the rights & duties of citizens in democracy & the level of political tolerance: the high level of awareness of one's rights (freedom of speech, association, etc) coexists with a relatively low level of tolerance. Thus, it can be said that various inconsistencies tag & "burden" the evolution of citizenship among Croatian high school students. 13 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.