Suchergebnisse

Stichwortauswahl: + - Organisationsformen + - Die friedens- und sicherheitspolitischen Auffassungen + Soziale Basis, ideologische Grundlagen und politische Auffassungen der "Grünen". Deskriptiv-interpretative Einschätzung und Einordnung ihrer Anhängerschaft und Kursrichtung aus sowjetischer Sicht. + - Soziale Basis der "Grünen" + - Die ökologische Ideologie + BIOst/Hat. + - Alternative Bewegungen im Westen

artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 6, Nr 1 (2020), s. 91-111 ; streszcz. ang., pol., ros. ; artykuł w: Wschód Europy : studia humanistyczno-społeczne Vol. 6, Nr 1 (2020), s. 91-111 ; streszcz. ang., pol., ros.

Zsfassung in engl. Sprache

The article presents materials of the semantic reconstruction of ideas of various forms of social protest among young people of two age groups based on the materials of an empirical study conducted in 2020. In the course of the study representatives of two socio-demographic groups of youth from Vladivostok (Primorsky Territory) were interviewed: higher education students aged 18–24 and young adults aged 25–30. The carried out semantic reconstruction allowed to formulate the structural and content characteristics of the young people ideas about the five significant forms of the collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and rebellion. The semantic connections of the protest forms with the existential and political values of the young people were revealed. The study also succeeded in reconstructing the emotional component of the protest phenomena ideas. The category structure of the semantic space of ideas about the forms of protest has been determined. Common categories identified on the basis of associations include "values and goals", "subjects", "emotions", "characteristics of a phenomenon", "protest", and "cultural and historical connotations". The general categories of protest assessment, according to the semantic differential (SD), include "iintellectuality and honesty", "hypocrisy and self-interest (honesty)", "peace – aggressiveness", "strength". These categories, identified on the material of associations, in comparison with the categories of thinking obtained using factor analysis of the semantic differential data, allow to reconstruct both rational and unconscious levels of ideas about protest. Comparative analysis of ideas about different forms of protest demonstrates that on an emotional level a rally is the closest to youth. On a rational level, the petition is also positively assessed, while the youth of both groups are dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of this form in practice. Young people do not associate radical forms of protest (riot and rebellion) with values and goals significant to them. At the affective level, they are perceived mostly negatively.

In general, the identified categories allow to reconstruct the structure of the organization of the subjective experience of perceiving different forms of political and social protest in two age groups of young people. The data obtained in this study can be useful for further study of protest moods, used by state authorities and political parties in practical work.

Исследованы форма и содержание агитационно-пропагандистских материалов, созданных организаторами акций политического протеста и предназначенных для массового тиражирования. Изученные материалы использовались в ходе проведения протестных акций 26 марта, 12 июня и 7 октября 2017 г. Теоретико-методологическая база исследования выстроена на основе использования элементов дескриптивного политического анализа, концепции социальной идентичности Г. Тэшфела и Дж. Тернера и модели массового сознания Д.В. Ольшанского. Автор приходит к выводу, что создатели агитационных материалов конструируют образ власти за счет синтеза фантомных угроз, устоявшихся негативных стереотипов и репрезентации ущерба для общества в персонально значимых бытовых категориях. Проецирование на истеблишмент образа врага способствует формированию ингруппового фаворитизма, закрепляя внутри протестной аудитории представление о том, что они превосходят власть и ее сторонников в моральном отношении.

This article is dedicated to Belarusian poetry which was created in 2020 on the wave of public resistance. The analysis of the public and political sounding poems is presented against the background of a wide panorama of the cultural life of Belarus with its special feature as the creation of the such projects as: cultprotest and #evalution. Both Belarusian-language and Russian-language poems written by Belarusian authors served as material for this study. Among the writers who responded with poetic words to current events, there are representatives of the older generation (Uladzimir Nyaklyaeu, Antanina Khatenka), the middle generation (Dzmitry Strotsau, Syargei Prylutsky, Aksana Sprynchan, Tatsiana Svetashova, Volga Gronskaya), as well as very young new names in Belarusian literature (Katsyaryna Glukhouskaya (Ioffe), Artur Komorouski). The texts of the poems considered in the article come first of all from Internet resources, as well as from a few publications in the independent Belarusian press. The article focuses primarily on the motives and images that are most often used by poets in their works. Among other things, a prominent place is occupied by national colours and symbols. A feature of the protest lyrics of 2020 is also the high frequency of various "dialogues" with the classics of Belarusian literature. The white-red-white flag, the chase, anthems, quotes from Yanka Kupala's works create a common figurative and artistic world of Belarusian protest poetry which is characteristic not only of Belarusian but also Russian-language works. Interesting stylistic poetic findings such as the reporting form or the creation of the author's neologisms are singled out. ; Artykuł został poświęcony poezji białoruskiej, powstałej w 2020 r. na fali oporu społecznego. Analizę wierszy o wydźwięku społecznym i politycznym przedstawiono na tle życia kulturalnego Białorusi, którego cechą szczególną było powstanie takich projektów, jak kultprotest i #evalucja. Materiałem do danego opracowania posłużyły zarówno białoruskojęzyczne, jak i rosyjskojęzyczne wiersze autorów białoruskich. Wśród twórców, które odreagowały poetyckim słowem na wydarzenia bieżące, są przedstawiciele starszego pokolenia (Uładzimir Niaklajeu, Antanina Chatenka), średniego (Dmitrij Strocew, Siarhiej Pryłucki, Aksana Sprynczan, Tacciana Swietaszowa, Wolha Hronskaja), a także najmłodsi, całkiem nowe nazwiska w literaturze białoruskiej (Kaciaryna Hluchouska (Ioffe), Artur Kamarouski). Teksty poddane analizie w niniejszym artykule pochodzą przede wszystkim z portali internetowych oraz nielicznych publikacji na łamach niezależnej prasy białoruskiej. W pierwszej kolejności zwraca się uwagę na najczęściej wykorzystywane przez poetów motywy, wśród których ważne miejsce zajmują symbole i barwy narodowe. Cechą charakterystyczną poezji protestacyjnej z 2020 r. jest również obecność różnego rodzaju "dialogów" z klasykami literatury białoruskiej. Flaga biało-czerwono-biała, Pogoń, hymny, cytaty z utworów Janki Kupały tworzą świat przedstawiony białoruskiej poezji oporu, właściwy dla tekstów powstałych zarówno w języku białoruskim, jak i rosyjskim. Osobno zwraca się uwagę na takie chwyty stylistyczne, jak forma reportażowa czy tworzenie neologizmów autorskich. ; Артыкул прысвечаны беларускай паэзіі, якая была створана на працягу 2020 г. на хвалі грамадскага супраціву. Аналіз вершаў грамадскага і палітычнага гучання прадстаўлены на фоне шырокай панарамы культурнага жыцця Беларусі, адметнасцю якога з'явілася стварэнне такіх праектаў, як культпратэст і #evaлюцыя. Матэрыялам для дадзенага даследавання паслужылі як беларускамоўныя, так і рускамоўныя вершы, напісаныя беларускімі аўтарамі. Сярод творцаў, якія адгукнуліся паэтычным словам на актуальныя падзеі, ёсць прадстаўнікі старэйшага пакалення (Уладзімір Някляеў, Антаніна Хатэнка), сярэдняй генерацыі (Дзмітрый Строцаў, Сяргей Прылуцкі, Аксана Спрынчан, Таццяна Светашова, Вольга Гронская), а таксама зусім маладыя, новыя імёны ў беларускай літаратуры (Кацярына Глухоўская (Іофе), Артур Камароўскі). Разгледжаныя ў артыкуле тэксты вершаў паходзяць найперш з інтэрнэт-рэсурсаў, а таксама з нешматлікіх публікацый у незалежнай беларускай прэсе. У артыкуле ўвага звяртаецца ў першую чаргу на матывы і вобразы, якія найчасцей выкарыстоўваліся паэтамі ў творах, сярод іншых заўважнае месца займаюць нацыянальныя колеры і сімвалы. Адметнасцю пратэстнай лірыкі 2020 г. з'яўляецца таксама высокая частотнасць рознага кшталту "дыялогаў" з класікамі беларускай літаратуры. Бел-чырвона-белы сцяг, пагоня, гімны, цытаты з твораў Янкі Купалы ствараюць агульны вобразна-мастацкі свет беларускай пратэстнай паэзіі, характэрны не толькі беларуска-, але і рускамоўным творам. Асобна вылучаны цікавыя стылістычныя знаходкі паэтаў, такія як рэпартажная форма альбо стварэнне аўтарскіх неалагізмаў.

The article presents the results of applied political research, the purpose of which is to determine the scale, mobilization potential, social base, and digital communication technologies of protest-oriented information flow in the Russian segment of social media on the eve of the Single Voting Day of 2021. The cognitive mapping implemented in the study made it possible to identify the meaningful characteristics of the information flow. The social media analysis made it possible to determine the dynamic and structural characteristics of the information flow, the gender and age specifics of the users involved in it, as well as quantitative characteristics of the activity of key communities forming protest information flows. The method of social
graphs revealed the structure of interaction between the opposition and protest communities of Telegram in 2021. The event analysis carried out during the study made it possible to fix the key peaks of growth in the dynamics of user activity around protest events and discourses. On this basis, it was possible to identify the triggers used to involve users in protest information flows (elections, law enforcement agencies, vaccination, socio-economic problems), typologize the communities forming the protest information flow (protest aggregator communities, news aggregator communities, local analytics communities), and model of mass protest mobilization (primary trigger — secondary trigger — offline protest).

Political functions of public places, political design and ideological demarcation, implication and segmentation of the city territory, and bounds of the protest space are considered in the paper. The author raises the problem of symbolisation of the city political space and political participation of the masses in the actions of protest. ; В статье рассматриваются политические функции публичных мест, политический дизайн и идейное размежевание, смыслонаполненность и сегментация территории города, границы пространства протеста. Автор поднимает проблему символизации политического пространства города и массовизации политического участия в протестных акциях.