Suchergebnisse

The Cerattepe mining project for the extraction of gold and copper in the city of Artvin has been controversial since the mid-1980s. Local resistance against the project peaked in 2015-2016 in the form of blockages, sit-ins, social media protests, litigations, and signed petitions. This paper analyzes protests against the Cerattepe mining project in terms of their motivations, strategies, limitations, and political perceptions. Through an original survey analysis (N=253) and interview data, we find that the locals frame their activism as above party politics to keep a legitimate position in resisting the mining project. This strategy has remained intact for several years despite the politicization attempts of resistance from national-level political parties. We explain this strategy with the national consensus on prioritizing economic growth over environmental issues, neoliberal developmentalism with strong state support for private companies, and high levels of political polarization in society. Overall, the study offers an understanding of the challenges in front of environmental issue-based activism in Turkey and reveals the strategies of locals in resisting an environmentally destructive mining project.

21. yüzyıl, küresel siyasette birçok bölgede protestolar ve toplumsal hareketlere tanık olmaktadır. Bu olaylar, ekonomik sorunlardan özgürlük mücadelesine kadar geniş bir yelpazede ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bu çerçevede özellikle dikkat çeken Hong Kong, tarihsel geçmişiyle ekonomik ve siyasi olarak Çin için önemli bir yere sahip olmuştur. Son yıllarda sıklıkla gündeme gelen Hong Kong protestoları Çin ile gerginliğin giderek artmasına neden olmuştur. Çin için hassas konular arasında yer alan Hong Kong, birçok aktörün dikkatini çekmiştir. Bu çerçevede, Hong Kong'daki protestolara küresel güçlerin yaklaşımları Çin açısından önemli olmaktadır. Çalışmada ele alınan iki aktör olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği, Çin'in ekonomik ve siyasi hayatında ilk sıralarda olması nedeniyle önemlidir. Çalışmada öncelikle Hong Kong protestolarının genel bir değerlendirilmesi yapılmış, sonraki bölümlerde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği'nin protestolara yaklaşımları kronolojik olarak ortaya konulmuştur. İki aktörün yaklaşımı liderler, kurum ve organ temsilcilerinin söylemleri temelinde gösterilmiştir. Böylece, Hong Kong protestolarıyla ilgili olarak iki önemli aktörün yaklaşımlarındaki benzerlikler ve farklılıklar temelinde bazı çıkarımlar yapmak mümkün olacaktır. Çalışmada, protestolar karşısında ABD'nin AB'den daha sert söylemlerinin olduğu, Trump yönetiminin sorunun doğrudan taraflarından biri haline geldiği görülmüştür ; The 21st century has witnessed protests and social movements in many regions in global politics. These events can occur in a wide range from economic problems to the struggle for freedom. In this context, Hong Kong has an important place for China in economic and political terms with its historical background. The Hong Kong protests, which have frequently been on the agenda in recent years, have led to increasing tension with China. Hong Kong, a sensitive issue for China, has attracted the attention of many actors. In this framework, the approach of global powers to protests in Hong Kong is important for China. The two actors in the study, the United States and the European Union, are important due to their high-ranking positions given their economic and political relations with China. In this study, firstly, a general evaluation of Hong Kong protests has been made, and in the following sections, the approaches of the United States and European Union to the protests have been presented chronologically. The approach of the two actors is shown based on the discourses of the managers of the institutions and the representatives of the state. Thus, it will be possible to draw some conclusions based on similarities and differences in the approaches of the two major actors regarding the Hong Kong protests. In the study, it was seen that the USA had harsher rhetoric than the EU in the face of the protests, and the Trump administration became one of the direct sides of the problem.

لا يمكن فصل ما جرى في العام 2011 من مظاهرات وما بعده فالأسباب التي خرج لأجلها المتظاهرين، كان من اسبابها فشل الحكومات المتعاقبة بعد الاحتلال من توفير الأمن والخدمات، لانتشار الفساد المالي والاداري، وهي تهمة تكاد تكون سمة وصفه تسندها الأدلة والوثائق من ذات الاطراف المشاركة بالعملية السياسية، واذا كان هذا السبب أحد الاسباب التي أدت لانتفاضة 25 فبراير/ شباط 2011 وما تلاها وصولا لمظاهرات العام 2013، وأسبابه تمثل اهمية كبرى لطيف واسع من العراقيين، كتقييد الحريات وكثرة عمليات الاعتقالات والاخفاء القسري للمواطنين، لتكتمل هذه الصورة المشوشة مع صورة اخرى حصلت بعد العام 2014، فزادت المعاناة والتحديات، فزادت من اعداد المغيبين، فيما اصبح طيف واسع يسكنون اما في مخيمات لللاجئين او في مناطق تنعدم فيها الخدمات لا تصلح للسكن على وفق ابسط المعايير الانسانية.
وإذا كانت هذه الصورة تمثل جزء من العراق، فان الجزء الاخر منه لا يعيش بحال أفضل منه بفقدانهم للخدمات، ويعيش الشباب في حالة من الضياع نتيجة قلة فرص العمل وانتشار المخدرات، فبرزت مظاهرات مناطقية سنوية يوحدها الاسباب التي خرجوا لأجلها، فضلا عن مظاهرات متعددة من العاطلين عن العمل، وكذلك ساعدت تلك الاسباب في انتشار عصابات الجريمة المنظمة، نتيجة انفلات وانتشار السلاح، والذي يتسبب بالكثير من الصدامات بين العشائر العراقية، والنتيجة مظاهرات أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول 2019. ومع ما حققته تلك الاحتجاجات من نتائج بتغير الحكومة واجراء انتخابات مبكرة على وفق قانون جديد قسم المحافظات الى مناطق انتخابية بدل عن المحافظة منطقة انتخابية واحدة، مع هذا خرجت هنا وهناك العشرات وربما المئات من المظاهرات والاحتجاجات الفئوية.
هذه الاسباب وغيرها كانت وما تزال تشكل تحديات أمام أي حكومة، لاسيما حكومة مبنية على التوافق والاصطفاف الطائفي، وقد فشلت كالعادة على تشكيل حكومة جديدة رغم مرور ما يزيد عن تسعة أشهر من اجراء الانتخابات المبكرة في أكتوبر/ تشرين الأول 2021، وهو ما تنطلق منه فرضية البحث.

Aus dem Inhalt: Die Besetzung des Gezi-Parks durch ein paar hundert Leute explodierte 2013 zur größten Protestbewegung in der türkischen Geschichte. Die Zeichnungen und Notizen in Bostanorama umkreisen dieses Ereignis. Noch ist fast nichts erreicht, doch kündigt sich in der Art des Protests etwas an, was für emanzipatorische Bewegungen weltweit wichtige Nachrichten enthalten könnte. Bostanorama lehnt sich an die "Bostans" an, jene kleinen urbanen Farmen, die seit 600 Jahren in der türkischen Metropole existieren. Die Zeichenserie war eine der meistbeachteten und getwitterten Arbeiten während der 13. Istanbul Biennale. Bostanorama erscheint im Zeitungsformat und wird begleitet von einem Essay des Künstlers, dessen gartengeschichtliche und raumtheoretische Dimension ein Protestfastenbrechen in Yeniköy rasant verknüpft mit Fussballfans, Friseuren, Aktivisten und muslimischen Hardwarehändlerinnen in Kaghitane, Besiktas und St. Pauli.