The article analyzes the formation of speech protests in Ukraine in the early XXI century. Particular attention is paid to the lexeme майдан in its new social-political usage,to its functional potentiality, the role in the modern derivational nomination. The formation of new specialized and expessive-evaluated meanings of the lexemes революція, марш, віче was determined. The influence of new meanings on the paradigmatic and syntagmatic possibilities of words was investigated.It was found that the lexem Maidan and other activated word – have long learned in Ukrainian language specific borrowing or lexems, and therefore, Ukrainian developing this area of its socio -political lexicon through internal resources, proving stability and identity of modern Ukrainian nomination and serves proof that we are not threatened by Ukrainian analized language version globish – ukrainish. New nominations confirm the new relationship in cognitive consciousness community and its reflection in language awareness and implementation of new linguistic units . In reality of modern Ukraine Maidan – socially significant for Ukrainian language and consciousness phenomenon that leaves a mark in the Ukrainian language, because language is inseparable from the history of his people. It is doubtless that the words of the street Euromaidan – words witnesses, speech signals , the original «storage unit events in our memory and they act like flashes that instantly illuminate these events». Exploring new areas such as cognitive space Ukrainian language opens up prospects for the theoretical understanding of trends in the lexicon of new social and political conditions of use of the Ukrainian language.
In the most definitions of terrorism, the key concept is «violence». The purpose of violence is to achieve the desired development for the terrorists: the change of power, the destabilization of society, the undermining of economic and information stability of both the states as a whole and individual segments in their economy in particular.The structural-functional approach to the study of terrorist organizations means their consideration as social groups consisting of the following components: political, financial-economic, integrative (discipli- nary), ideological. But for the study of modern terrorism the analytical tools of structural-functional approach is not enough. In particular, it is necessary to use the conflict paradigm that would allow considering the origin and development of terrorist organizations as a conflict of interests of the ruling classes, their activity as a catalyst for social change in countries which are donating terrorism and countries which are the object of aggression. Theory of background practices would be useful to uncover the motivation of terrorists, their awareness of everyday life, the degree of their involvement in the struggle and commitment to ideological patterns.The terrorist organizations now are specific territorial units and important technology in the hybrid war in the modern world. The hybrid war can be defined as a aggression of one state against another through non formal groups represented by the military (often by guerrilla warriors) and non-governmental organizations, local communities, communication with which is formally denied. The state, which leads the hybrid war is not positioning itself as a member of a military conflict, describing it as a civilian one. Events in Donbas were a ruled process of implementation of complex social technologies: the information war, the distortion of democratic procedures, the use of terrorism tactics, combat operations in populated areas etc. ; Стаття представляє систематичну оцінку основних тенденцій протестної активності українських лівих партій, організацій і неформальних ініціатив перед початком протестів Майдану наприкінці листопада 2013 р. Представлений аналіз помісячної динаміки, кількості учасників, тактики, темати- ки, географії та союзників в протестних подіях за участі лівих груп на всій території України з 1 січня 2011 р. по 20 листопада 2013 р.
The article represents an integrated perception of peculiarities of political protest participators` mobilization. The objective of the article is to distinguish peculiarities of mobilization of protest participators today in Ukraine and abroad. Mobilization can be divided into two types: constructive and forced. Deviant behavior is often considered as an indicator of political crisis. Online political activity is considered as the most widespread communication between people engaged is politics because Internet is available to anyone. Deliberative technologies represented by negotiations are often used to calm down protests in democratic regimes.Features of political participation (including protest participation) have been highlighted. The role of urban environment in mobilizing of protest participators has been underlined. Physical and digital types of participation have been separated. Social media users are not equal; they can be divided into several types in accordance to their involvement in politics.Urban area can also stimulate protest movements. Using the example of Germany, the possibilities of political mobilization of citizens by radical movements have been shown. It is proved that participation in protest facilitates creation of a collective identity. Ordinary citizens can be involved in protest when their civil rights and liberties are threatened by the state. Relative deprivation has been considered as a factor of protest. Relevant sources in English, Ukrainian, Russian and Polish have been used in the article. The meth- ods used in the research are comparative, system, institutional, historic and others. ; У статті представлене інтегроване бачення особливостей мобілізації учасників політичного протесту. Виокремлено особливості політичної участі, у тому числі протестної. Підкреслено роль міського середовища в мобілізації учасників протесту. Виокремлено «фізичну» та «цифрову» участь у політичних протестах. На прикладі Німеччини продемонстровано можливості політичної мобілізації громадян радикальними рухами. Доведено, що участь у протесті сприяє формуванню колективної ідентичності.
The article represents an integrated perception of peculiarities of political protest participators` mobilization. The objective of the article is to distinguish peculiarities of mobilization of protest participators today in Ukraine and abroad. Mobilization can be divided into two types: constructive and forced. Deviant behavior is often considered as an indicator of political crisis. Online political activity is considered as the most widespread communication between people engaged is politics because Internet is available to anyone. Deliberative technologies represented by negotiations are often used to calm down protests in democratic regimes.Features of political participation (including protest participation) have been highlighted. The role of urban environment in mobilizing of protest participators has been underlined. Physical and digital types of participation have been separated. Social media users are not equal; they can be divided into several types in accordance to their involvement in politics.Urban area can also stimulate protest movements. Using the example of Germany, the possibilities of political mobilization of citizens by radical movements have been shown. It is proved that participation in protest facilitates creation of a collective identity. Ordinary citizens can be involved in protest when their civil rights and liberties are threatened by the state. Relative deprivation has been considered as a factor of protest. Relevant sources in English, Ukrainian, Russian and Polish have been used in the article. The meth- ods used in the research are comparative, system, institutional, historic and others. ; У статті представлене інтегроване бачення особливостей мобілізації учасників політичного протесту. Виокремлено особливості політичної участі, у тому числі протестної. Підкреслено роль міського середовища в мобілізації учасників протесту. Виокремлено «фізичну» та «цифрову» участь у політичних протестах. На прикладі Німеччини продемонстровано можливості політичної мобілізації громадян радикальними рухами. Доведено, що участь у протесті сприяє формуванню колективної ідентичності.
The purpose of the research is to study modern means of communication during protests, as well as to analyze their effects on the example of Belarus. The research methodology consists in the application of such general scientific methods as synthesis, analysis, generalization, comparison, which allowed to explore the features, problems, and possibilities of using traditional and modern means of communication during political protests. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article summarizes the knowledge about the specifics of the use of traditional and modern protest communication tools in modern conditions. The author carried out the analysis of communication tools efficiency on the example of Belarus. It is concluded that the latest online tools in modern protest communications play a key role because even traditional means, such as protests, are coordinated through messengers and social networks. At the same time, traditional means do not lose their relevance, as the protest effectiveness without their use would be low. Therefore, a successful combination of traditional and modern means, offline and online communications, provides the best results of the protest. Regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of communication means used by the protesters in Belarus, it is worth noting their effectiveness, although the main goal – a change of government – has not been achieved. This is explained by several circumstances, in particular, the epidemiological situation, the rapid reaction of O. Lukashenko's team, and the work of the entire state apparatus, law enforcement agencies to curb the protest wave. The self-proclaimed president also takes symmetrical measures against the opposition, organizes pro-government rallies, mobilizes his supporters, and relies on the power bloc. Consequently, it can be stated that the struggle between the authorities and the protesters will continue, and the final victory will depend on the ability to respond quickly to domestic and external events, to use available ...
This article confirms the findings of a number of previous studies that under authoritarian regimes, social protests begin with a combination of two main factors: increased restrictions on political rights and civil liberties and the widespread use of a (new) media channel beyond the control of the authorities. This assumption is confirmed by the example of the situation around the presidential elections in the Republic of Belarus in 2020. The article compares the conditions and factors of mass protests in Belarus, North Africa and the Middle East and in Ukraine. It was established that before the elections in Belarus there were sufficient conditions and factors for the start of mass protests and they were involved. We have shown that the new and uncontrolled by the Belarusian authorities channel became the Telegram messenger, which began to be widely used during the election period. The peculiarity of this communication channel is its confidentiality and anonymity of subscribers, as well as the narrow thematic focus of individual channels. We also analyzed Telegram as a means of political communication in authoritarian regimes, showed its differences as a means of communication from popular social networks, which were widely used to coordinate protests in the past. We present the results of the analysis of the pre-election communication against the incumbent President of Belarus, which is based on the use of Telegram to spread the thesis of his "low rating". It is shown that this thesis was generated with the participation of Russian big data analytical institutions and is largely disseminated by pro-Russian Telegram channels in Belarus. After the election, it became the basis for mass street protests and strikes in Belarus. The direct participation of professional political technologists in the management of Telegram-channels with anti-presidential content and their participation in the organization of the influence of pro-Russian and Russian channels in Belarus has also been established. As a result, the probability of implementing a model of strategic communications in Belarus with elements of external influence on the course of the election campaign, which can be used to influence the leader of an authoritarian state, is confirmed. ; Ця стаття підтверджує висновки ряду попередніх досліджень про те, що в умовах авторитарних режимів соціальні протести починаються у випадку поєднання двох головних чинників - посилення обмежень політичних прав і громадянських свобод та широкого застосування непідконтрольного владі (нового) каналу масової комунікації. Це припущення підтверджено на прикладі ситуації навколо президентських виборів у Республіці Білорусь 2020 р. У статті наведено порівняння умов і факторів розгортання масових протестів у Білорусі, країнах Північної Африки й Близького Сходу та в Україні. Встановлено, що до початку виборів у Білорусі були наявні достатні умови і фактори для початку масових протестів і вони були задіяні. Ми показали, що новим і непідконтрольним білоруській владі каналом став месенджер Telegram, який почали масово використовувати саме в період виборів. Особливістю цього каналу комунікації є його конфіденційність і анонімність підписників, а також вузька тематична спрямованість окремих каналів. Також ми проаналізували Telegram як засіб для політичної комунікації в умовах авторитарних режимів, показали його відмінності як засобу комунікації від популярних соціальних мереж, які широко використовувалися для координації протестних акцій раніше. Ми наводимо результати аналізу передвиборчої комунікації, спрямованої проти діючого президента Білорусі, яка ґрунтується на застосуванні Telegram для поширення тези про його "низький рейтинг". Показано, що ця теза згенерована за участі російських аналітичних інституцій big data і значною мірою поширена проросійськими Telegram-каналами у Білорусі. Після виборів вона стала інформаційною підставою масових вуличних протестів і страйків у Білорусі. Також встановлено безпосередню участь фахових політтехнологів в управлінні Telegram-каналів з антипрезидентським контентом і їх участь в організації впливу у Білорусі проросійських і російських каналів. У підсумку підтверджується ймовірність реалізації в Білорусі моделі стратегічних комунікацій з елементами зовнішнього впливу на перебіг виборчої кампанії, що може бути використано для впливу на лідера авторитарної держави.
The formation of the precariat based on new forms of power and exploitation, which have become Central to the neo-liberal logic, according to which the organization of social and economic security requires instability as a way of life, undermining social justice and destroying the core of democracy itself. The unique political position of the precariat and the use of the precariat as a starting point for mobilization and collective alternative approaches.Organized by a network of labor collectives, students, migrant groups and other numerous social, political, economic and cultural movements, heterogeneous precariat in many European cities seeks to organize disparate political groups precariat on the day of the First of may and not only. During these protests, demands are made for universal rights for workers, open migration policies, and common basic income. EuroMayDay has an international orientation from the very beginning, aiming to mark precariousness as a transnational problem.On EuroMayday political performance and "carnival" methods of agitation (allegorical and symbolic posters, colorful actions, etc.) are used. The activists of this political movement understood this as a revival of the precariat may day traditions and, therefore, as a break with the traditional representation of trade unions and social democratic promises that allowed instability and social insecurity to spread freely, reaching critical levels throughout Europe.With the emergence of new forms of individualization and the closing of the potential for organization and collective struggle, traditional ways of uniting have become limited, and people have had to act outside the classical politics, trade Union representation and traditional notions of interest. No forms of lobbying or forms of representation for precarius groups. Thus, precast not only became a form of protest, but did just resistance to unstable conditions because they restrict collective solidarity and group views, and thus deny the democratic institutions. ; статті розглядаються основні форми політичної боротьби прекаріату. Зазначається, що прекарні політичні групи використовують альтернативні форми політичної групової організації та новітні засоби протесту, які характеризуються використанням алегоричних і символічних форм. Ці форми яскраво проявляються під час парадів Першого травня.
The formation of the precariat based on new forms of power and exploitation, which have become Central to the neo-liberal logic, according to which the organization of social and economic security requires instability as a way of life, undermining social justice and destroying the core of democracy itself. The unique political position of the precariat and the use of the precariat as a starting point for mobilization and collective alternative approaches.Organized by a network of labor collectives, students, migrant groups and other numerous social, political, economic and cultural movements, heterogeneous precariat in many European cities seeks to organize disparate political groups precariat on the day of the First of may and not only. During these protests, demands are made for universal rights for workers, open migration policies, and common basic income. EuroMayDay has an international orientation from the very beginning, aiming to mark precariousness as a transnational problem.On EuroMayday political performance and "carnival" methods of agitation (allegorical and symbolic posters, colorful actions, etc.) are used. The activists of this political movement understood this as a revival of the precariat may day traditions and, therefore, as a break with the traditional representation of trade unions and social democratic promises that allowed instability and social insecurity to spread freely, reaching critical levels throughout Europe.With the emergence of new forms of individualization and the closing of the potential for organization and collective struggle, traditional ways of uniting have become limited, and people have had to act outside the classical politics, trade Union representation and traditional notions of interest. No forms of lobbying or forms of representation for precarius groups. Thus, precast not only became a form of protest, but did just resistance to unstable conditions because they restrict collective solidarity and group views, and thus deny the democratic institutions. ; статті розглядаються основні форми політичної боротьби прекаріату. Зазначається, що прекарні політичні групи використовують альтернативні форми політичної групової організації та новітні засоби протесту, які характеризуються використанням алегоричних і символічних форм. Ці форми яскраво проявляються під час парадів Першого травня.
Розглянуто основні підходи до визначення змісту політичного протесту. Як результат, дістала уточнення категорія «політичного протесту». Узагальнено та проаналізовано характерні риси, які притаманні політичним протестам, на основі чого обґрунтовано багатовимірність цього феномену. ; The basic approaches of the determination of political protest's content were considered.Destabilizing processes have occurred due to the fact that the protest movements in the geopolitical space have blossomed during the last decade. So that it's an important research task to find the nature of the complex nature of political protests, keep track of all factors of their origin and dynamics. Detailed and depth assessment of this phenomenon is the key to success in developing of methods for effective management and minimizing of their destructive effects. It's the relevance of the research theme. The author had a purpose to summarize the main theoretical and methodological approaches to the definition of political protest and revealed its specifics.As a result, the category of "political protest" was clarified. It is understood as a complex of active or passive political practices of individual or collective subjects in the form of conventional or nonconventional expression of discontent towards political system as a whole, its individual structures, institutions, norms, values, decisions.Characteristics of political protests were summarized and analyzed. On this basis, the multidimensionality of this phenomenon was substantiated. So that political protest may exist in the internal state of a political subject's rejection of some political relations that dominate in the political system. It can be reviewed through the protest mood. The second dimension is a form of dissent, resistance, rejection of the dominant political course. It is provided through a certain action or protest act, manifested in the direct participation of the protests. Political protest is a phenomenon of policy, political attribute that represents opposing forces, movements, trends, which go against the basic course of political life or another specific policy. Objective legitimacy of mass protest behavior depending on the nature and direction of the political process remain unresolved and the basic elements and features of political protest are in the ratio with the current political situation in Ukraine. ; Рассмотрены основные подходы к определению содержания политического протеста. Как результат, получила уточнение категория «политического протеста». Обобщены и проанализированы характерные черты, которые присущи политическим протестам, на основе чего обоснована многомерность этого феномена
The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called "Revolutions of Dignity". The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.
The analysis of the civil protest's structure in Ukraine has been made in the article. Its quality and quantitative characteristics, the forms of the conventional and confrontational participation of the citizens in the protest actions have been traced. In particular, the statistics data as to the level of the population's protest activity on the eve of the Euromaidan 2014, its evolution in social and political focus have been listed. The role of the youth, non government organizations and initiatives in the civil protest actions at the stage of the democratic transformation have been shown. Key words: Ukraine, civil protest, forms of the protest, political opposition, nongovernment organizations, political parties. ; Проаналізовано структуру громадянського протесту в Україні, його якісні й кількісні характеристики, форми конвенційної та конфронтаційної участі громадян в акціях протесту. Наведено статистичні дані щодо рівня протестної активності населення напередодні Євромайдану 2014 р., її еволюції за соціально-політичною спрямованістю. Визначено роль молоді, неурядових організацій та ініціатив у акціях громадянського протесту на етапі демократичної трансформації. Ключові слова: Україна, громадянський протест, форми протесту, політична опозиція, неурядові організації, політичні партії.
Статтю присвячено політичному протесту як одному з чинників розвитку політичної системи суспільства. Метою статті є розкрити можливості використання теорії відносної депривації у дослідженні політичного протесту. В даній статті ми спробуємо використати соціологічний та психологічний інструментарій для пояснення політичних проблем.Розглянуто можливості методологічного синтезу при дослідженні протестних рухів, зокрема, теорії депривації. Наголошено на психологічній природі феномена депривації. Розглянуто відмінності між абсолютною та відносною депривацією, а також продемонстровано на конкретних прикладах вплив цього явища на мобілізацію учасників протестних рухів. Прийнято за основу класифікацію, яка включає спадаючу, спрямовану та прогресивну відносну депривацію.Наведено приклади антисистемних партій та рухів, які змінили розстановку сил в Європі. До таких, зокрема, віднесено «Лігу Півночі» (Італія), «Пегіду» (ФРН), «Рух п'яти зірок» (Італія), «Національний фронт» (Франція), «Атаку» (Болгарія) та інші об'єднання, які дедалі більше впливають на європейський політичний процес. Визначено, що характерними рисами такого роду партій є популізм та нативізм. Протести проти Д. Трампа у США віднесено до проявів відносної депривації широких кіл громадськості, які відчувають загрозу своїм правам та свободам. ; The article is devoted to political protest being one of the development factors of society's political system. Possibilities of methodological synthesis, in particular, the use of the deprivation theory within the investigation of the development of political protest have been considered. Psychological nature of the deprivation phenomenon has been stressed. Differences between absolute and relative deprivation have been considered. The influence of deprivation on the mobilization of protest movements has been proved by examples by the author. The classification of relative deprivation which includes declining, aspirational and progressive deprivation has been used in the article.Theory of the relative deprivation refers to the ideas that feelings of discontent and frustration depend on aims of a person or a group of people. Feelings of the relative deprivation emerge when important goals of people become unreal or are blocked by society or political elites. Relative deprivation is often considered to be the central concept in the explanation of protest movements and is being used to explain the factors that lead to the emergence of social movements. Protest activity begins from collective feelings of relative deprivation. Unlike the relative deprivation, the absolute deprivation is a key factor of protest movements in poor countries.Economic deprivation in conditions of the transition to free market is considered to be a background of crisis phenomena in politics. The role of political and financial elites in the mobilization of citizens has been underlined. The role of the opposition in the formation of protest views is also significant.Political security is connected with the lack of external and internal threats or the reduction of their severity. Political radicalism is considered to be the one of such threats. Three variables which help to analyze the political protest have been taken into account by the author. The first one is the quantity of citizens, involved into the protest activity. The second one is the duration of protest actions. Finally, the third variable includes destructive consequences of protest, for example, damage or victims. It has been underlined by the author that the level of these factors is connected with the level of citizens' social deprivation.Examples of anti-system political parties and movements have been given. Many of them have changed the political disposition in Europe. Lega Nord (Italy), PEGIDA (Germany), Movimento 5 Stelle (Italy), Front National (France), Ataka (Bulgaria), etc are between them. These parties and movements influence increasingly on the European political process. Nativism and populism are marked as main peculiarities of such right parties. According to the author, Anti-Trump protests in the USA are the examples of the relative deprivation of numerous groups of people that feel their rights and freedoms being threatened. ; Статья посвящена политическому протесту как одному из факторов развития политической системы общества. Цель статьи состоит в том, чтобы раскрыть возможности использования теории относительной депривации в исследовании политического протеста. В данной статье мы предлагаем использование социологического и психологического инструментария для объяснения политических проблем.Рассмотрены возможности методологического синтеза при исследовании протестных движений, в частности, теории депривации. Особое внимание уделено психологическому феномену депривации. Рассмотрены отличия между абсолютной и относительной депривацией, а также продемонстрировано на конкретных примерах влияние этого явления на мобилизацию участников протестных движений. Принята за основу классификация, включающая убывающую, направленную и прогрессивную депривацию.Приведены примеры антисистемных партий и движений, изменивших расстановку сил в Европе. К таким отнесены «Лига Севера» (Италия), «Пегида» (ФРГ) «Движение пяти звезд» (Италия), «Национальный фронт» (Франция), «Атака» (Болгария) и другие объединения, все больше влияющие на европейский политический процесс. Отмечено, что характерными чертами такого рода партий являются популизм и нативизм. Так, протесты против политики Д. Трампа в США отнесены к проявлениям относительной депривации широких кругов общественности, ощущающей угрозу своим правам и свободам.
The thesis paper analyzes the historical path of a field culture - hemp and its place in the life and culture of mankind. The first sources, legislative acts and researches which contain a description of cannabis and their territorial distribution are also mentioned. It is determined that this plant was found almost all over the globe, and had the status of an economic plant, which played a significant role in human life. For several thousand years it was valued for its properties in various industries including food industry, and ceremonial-religious sphere and was widely known for its medicinal properties. The methods used during the study of the field culture were such: analysis and synthesis, generalization, historical-genetic, historical-comparative, biographical, chronological. ; У роботі проаналізований історичний шлях польової культури – конопель та її місце у побуті та культурі людства. Також зазначені перші джерельні згадки, законодавчі акти та дослідження в яких міститься опис конопель та їх територіальне поширення. Визначено, що ця рослина була розповсюджена майже по усій земній кулі, та мала статус економічної рослини, яка відігравала значну роль у людському побуті. На протязі декількох тисяч років цінувалась через свої властивості у промисловому побуті, харчовій галузі, обрядово-релігійній сфері та була широко відома через свої медичні властивості. Під час дослідження польової культури було застосовано методи аналізу та синтезу, узагальнення, історико-генетичний, історико-порівняльний, біографічний, хронологічний.
The actuality of the nonviolent protest research, as the practice of the political objectives' achievement without use of power methods and steps is being defined. On the base of the experience of the Republic of Poland the specifity has been analyzed and the basic principles of peaceful confrontation of the power and opposition have been defined.It has been found, that the characteristic feature of the nonviolent protest in Poland was that it was taking place in terms of the democratic transformation of the country, the defining characteristics of which had been the consequences of the socio-political and economic changes. Among other factors that had served as the base of the future democratic changes peacefully there were the state of the social consciousness and the high level of the national consolidation, as the favorable background of the social and political processes and the rate of the development and aspirations of the Polish community for the changes; the peculiarity of the Polish communist rule with the characteristic national features; functioning of the noncommunist institutions (multiparty system, though formal, in the limits of the pluralism of thoughts universities and academic establishments continued their activism, the high level of the activity and influence of the Diaspora, the continuity of the illegal press' functioning, etc.); the liberal and moderate policy of the ruling party PORP (Polish United Workers' Party); the oppositions' struggle by means of the legal methods. The main focus of the article is concentrated on the analysis of the last factor as the defining and such that set the tone to the whole characteristics of the adjustment. The activity of «Solidarity» on the basis of the « new evolutionism» or the « self-limiting revolution» provided not only peaceful character of the confrontation but the speed and efficiency of the reformation steps on the way of the democratic development of the Republic of Poland. ; The actuality of the nonviolent protest research, as the practice of the political objectives' achievement without use of power methods and steps is being defined. On the base of the experience of the Republic of Poland the specifity has been analyzed and the basic principles of peaceful confrontation of the power and opposition have been defined.It has been found, that the characteristic feature of the nonviolent protest in Poland was that it was taking place in terms of the democratic transformation of the country, the defining characteristics of which had been the consequences of the socio-political and economic changes. Among other factors that had served as the base of the future democratic changes peacefully there were the state of the social consciousness and the high level of the national consolidation, as the favorable background of the social and political processes and the rate of the development and aspirations of the Polish community for the changes; the peculiarity of the Polish communist rule with the characteristic national features; functioning of the noncommunist institutions (multiparty system, though formal, in the limits of the pluralism of thoughts universities and academic establishments continued their activism, the high level of the activity and influence of the Diaspora, the continuity of the illegal press' functioning, etc.); the liberal and moderate policy of the ruling party PORP (Polish United Workers' Party); the oppositions' struggle by means of the legal methods. The main focus of the article is concentrated on the analysis of the last factor as the defining and such that set the tone to the whole characteristics of the adjustment. The activity of «Solidarity» on the basis of the « new evolutionism» or the « self-limiting revolution» provided not only peaceful character of the confrontation but the speed and efficiency of the reformation steps on the way of the democratic development of the Republic of Poland.
In the article analyzes the problem of anti-Ukrainian propaganda as a means of information warfare in Russia. We are analyzed the mechanisms of Russian influence on the Polish society and the main themes used for manipulation. The main anti-Ukrainian slogans and positions of the radical Polish forces, the manifestations of a discriminatory attitude towards Ukrainians arehighlighted. The activities of groups and pages in Facebook, which unite the radically opposed Ukrainians Poles, are explored. Among them are Ukrainiec nie jest moim bratem, Polski Lwów, Lwów Zawsze Polski, Pamiętam Wołyń, Sprawa Kresowa – Sprawa Narodowa. Thanks to the work of the Ukrainian activists Cyberhounds and the Ukrainian Kierralians (UCA), evidence was obtained of Russia's involvement in the organization of anti-Ukrainian protests. As a result of their analysis it can be concluded that the citizen of Belarus, Alexander Usovsky, a dedicated lover of the Russian world, was actively engaged in the organization of anti-Ukrainian actions in Poland and other countries of Eastern Europe. Examples of impact tools are also provided. The RF uses a very wide range of levers – from rigid ones such as hidden military threats or economic and energy blackmail to soft ones, such as a network of Russian and pro-Russian agents, as well as hybrid ones, such as influence through the spread of misinformation through the media and social networks. Since the problem of anti-Ukrainian protests is part of the Russian information warfare, it poses a great threat to the statehood of Ukraine. We believe that the best counteraction to the dissemination of negative information on the topic of Ukrainians would be the creation of positive messages and the dissemination of true information about the mood of the Polish society. It is necessary to conduct active communication work and to reveal the mechanisms of influence of the pro-Russian forces on the Polish (and not only Polish) society and to publicize the results of the research. It also requires a more detailed analysis of the problem of falsification of historical facts, and the truth facts found during the investigation – more spread through various channels of communication. ; У статті досліджено проблему антиукраїнської пропаганди як засобу інформаційної війни Росії. Проаналізовано механізми російського впливу на польське суспільство та основні теми, які використовуються для маніпуляцій. Виокремлено провідні антиукраїнські гасла та позиції радикальних польських сил, прояви дискримінаційного ставлення до українців. Досліджено діяльність груп та сторінок у Facebook, які об'єднують радикально налаштованих проти українців поляків. Серед них потрібно назвати Ukrainiec nie jest moim bratem, Polski Lwów, Lwów Zawsze Polski, Pamiętam Wołyń, Sprawa Kresowa – Sprawa Narodowa. Завдяки роботі українських активістів «Кіберхунти» й «Українського Кіберальянсу» (UCA) добуто докази причетності РФ до організації антиукраїнських протестів. У результаті їх аналізу можна зробити висновок, що громадянин Білорусі Олександр Усовський активно займався організацією антиукраїнських акцій у Польщі та інших країнах Східної Європи. Також наведено приклади інструментів впливу. РФ використовує дуже широкий набір важелів – від жорстких, таких як приховані військові загрози або економічний та енергетичний шантаж, до м'яких, таких як мережа російських і проросійських агентів, а також гібридних, як-от вплив за допомогою поширення дезінформації за посередництва ЗМІ та соцмережі.Оскільки проблема антиукраїнських протестів є складовою частиною російської інформаційної війни, то це становить велику загрозу для державності України. Вважаємо, що найкращою протидією поширенню негативної інформації на тему українців було б створення позитивних повідомлень та поширення правдивої інформації щодо настроїв польського суспільства. Потрібно проводити активну комунікаційну роботу й розкривати механізми впливу проросійських сил на польське (та не лише польське) суспільство й оприлюднювати результати досліджень. Також потребує детальнішого аналізу проблема фальсифікації історичних фактів, а виявлені в ході дослідження правдиві факти – більшого розповсюдження через різні канали зв'язку.
