Suchergebnisse

In diesem Aufsatz argumentiere ich, dass die soziale Zuschreibung von Protesten ein entscheidendes Moment in der sozialen Konstruktion sozialer Bewegungen darstellt. Dieser Aspekt ist in der Literatur nicht ausreichend behandelt worden. Dies zeige ich mittels der Diskussion dreier Traditionen – dem politischen Prozessmodell, der Systemtheorie und der kulturellen Pragmatik – auf: Um dieser geringen Aufmerksamkeit zu begegnen, entwickle ich eine Konzeptualisierung von Zuschreibungsprozessen, die zwei Teilprozesse der Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten unterscheidet: Protestofferten und Protestrezeption. Ich diskutiere dieses Konzept an zwei relevanten Kontexten, in denen Proteste gesellschaftlich konstruiert werden: bewegungsbezogene Gegenöffentlichkeiten und massenmediale Öffentlichkeiten. Mein Plädoyer dafür, die kommunikative Konstruktion von Bewegungsprotesten als soziologisches Forschungsthema ernst zu nehmen, mündet in der Entwicklung eines konzeptionellen Rahmens für zukünftige Forschung. In this paper, I argue that the social attribution of protests to social movements is a crucial moment in the social construction of social movements. This issue has not yet been sufficiently addressed in theory and research. I demonstrate this shortcoming by discussing three theoretical frameworks: The political process model, systems theory and cultural pragmatics. In order to address this gap, I develop a conceptualization of attribution processes that distinguishes two sub-processes of the construction of movement protests: protest messages and protest reception. Furthermore, I discuss two relevant contexts in which protests are socially constructed: movement-related counter-public spheres and mass media public spheres. I plead for taking the communicative construction of movement protests as a research topic seriously. To this end, I develop a conceptual framework for future research.

Whereas protests have been discussed predominantly in terms of collective action issues, achieving coordination does not always guarantee success. Protest groups must also back their demands with sufficient threats. Some assert that threats are enhanced by the mobilization of more resources. Yet this conventional wisdom fails to explain why not all large-scale protests win government concessions or why some protest groups spend resources on their organizational infrastructure even though it will not inflict immediate damage on the government. Formalizing protest in a bargaining model, I show that investing in organizational infrastructure improves the impact of protest groups' threats by lowering the probability that a counter-protest will offset the impact of the original protest.

Whereas protests have been discussed predominantly in terms of collective action issues, achieving coordination does not always guarantee success. Protest groups must also back their demands with sufficient threats. Some assert that threats are enhanced by the mobilization of more resources. Yet this conventional wisdom fails to explain why not all large-scale protests win government concessions or why some protest groups spend resources on their organizational infrastructure even though it will not inflict immediate damage on the government. Formalizing protest in a bargaining model, I show that investing in organizational infrastructure improves the impact of protest groups' threats by lowering the probability that a counter-protest will offset the impact of the original protest.

"Anhand einzelner sportbezogener Konflikte in Geschichte und Gegenwart werden die vielfältigen Zusammenhänge zwischen Protest und Sport exemplarisch beleuchtet. Die Fallbeispiele zeigen, dass die Proteste ihre Impulse aus den unterschiedlichsten Motiven - sowohl mittelbar als auch direkt sportbezogen - beziehen." (Autorenreferat)

"Dem Beitrag liegt ein Vortrag zugrunde, den der Autor während der Studierendenproteste im Herbst 2009 im Audimax der Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg gehalten hat. Gegenstand der Rede waren die Forderungen der Studierenden und deren Inkonsistenz, Widersprüchlichkeit und Undurchdachtheit. Für diesen Beitrag wurde die Rede in Textform überarbeitet sowie ein Resümee der seither beschlossenen oder geplanten Veränderungen gezogen. Und letzteres fällt erwartungsgemäß noch schwärzer aus als vor den Protesten. Die Studierenden bekommen alles, was sie gefordert haben - aber sicher nicht in der intendierten Form." (Autorenreferat)

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters' opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations. Adapted from the source document.

Jarosiewicz, A.: Protests in Azerbaijan : hot months expected ahead of the presidential election. - S. 2-4