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In the article analyzes the problem of anti-Ukrainian propaganda as a means of information warfare in Russia. We are analyzed the mechanisms of Russian influence on the Polish society and the main themes used for manipulation. The main anti-Ukrainian slogans and positions of the radical Polish forces, the manifestations of a discriminatory attitude towards Ukrainians arehighlighted. The activities of groups and pages in Facebook, which unite the radically opposed Ukrainians Poles, are explored. Among them are Ukrainiec nie jest moim bratem, Polski Lwów, Lwów Zawsze Polski, Pamiętam Wołyń, Sprawa Kresowa – Sprawa Narodowa. Thanks to the work of the Ukrainian activists Cyberhounds and the Ukrainian Kierralians (UCA), evidence was obtained of Russia's involvement in the organization of anti-Ukrainian protests. As a result of their analysis it can be concluded that the citizen of Belarus, Alexander Usovsky, a dedicated lover of the Russian world, was actively engaged in the organization of anti-Ukrainian actions in Poland and other countries of Eastern Europe. Examples of impact tools are also provided. The RF uses a very wide range of levers – from rigid ones such as hidden military threats or economic and energy blackmail to soft ones, such as a network of Russian and pro-Russian agents, as well as hybrid ones, such as influence through the spread of misinformation through the media and social networks. Since the problem of anti-Ukrainian protests is part of the Russian information warfare, it poses a great threat to the statehood of Ukraine. We believe that the best counteraction to the dissemination of negative information on the topic of Ukrainians would be the creation of positive messages and the dissemination of true information about the mood of the Polish society. It is necessary to conduct active communication work and to reveal the mechanisms of influence of the pro-Russian forces on the Polish (and not only Polish) society and to publicize the results of the research. It also requires a more detailed analysis of the problem of falsification of historical facts, and the truth facts found during the investigation – more spread through various channels of communication. ; У статті досліджено проблему антиукраїнської пропаганди як засобу інформаційної війни Росії. Проаналізовано механізми російського впливу на польське суспільство та основні теми, які використовуються для маніпуляцій. Виокремлено провідні антиукраїнські гасла та позиції радикальних польських сил, прояви дискримінаційного ставлення до українців. Досліджено діяльність груп та сторінок у Facebook, які об'єднують радикально налаштованих проти українців поляків. Серед них потрібно назвати Ukrainiec nie jest moim bratem, Polski Lwów, Lwów Zawsze Polski, Pamiętam Wołyń, Sprawa Kresowa – Sprawa Narodowa. Завдяки роботі українських активістів «Кіберхунти» й «Українського Кіберальянсу» (UCA) добуто докази причетності РФ до організації антиукраїнських протестів. У результаті їх аналізу можна зробити висновок, що громадянин Білорусі Олександр Усовський активно займався організацією антиукраїнських акцій у Польщі та інших країнах Східної Європи. Також наведено приклади інструментів впливу. РФ використовує дуже широкий набір важелів – від жорстких, таких як приховані військові загрози або економічний та енергетичний шантаж, до м'яких, таких як мережа російських і проросійських агентів, а також гібридних, як-от вплив за допомогою поширення дезінформації за посередництва ЗМІ та соцмережі.Оскільки проблема антиукраїнських протестів є складовою частиною російської інформаційної війни, то це становить велику загрозу для державності України. Вважаємо, що найкращою протидією поширенню негативної інформації на тему українців було б створення позитивних повідомлень та поширення правдивої інформації щодо настроїв польського суспільства. Потрібно проводити активну комунікаційну роботу й розкривати механізми впливу проросійських сил на польське (та не лише польське) суспільство й оприлюднювати результати досліджень. Також потребує детальнішого аналізу проблема фальсифікації історичних фактів, а виявлені в ході дослідження правдиві факти – більшого розповсюдження через різні канали зв'язку.

This paper studies the determinants of the protest cycle between 2010 and 2016 in Colombia. First, it examines the dynamics of institutional politics in the last three decades. The second part analyzes the consequences of the armed conflict and the repression of social movements and organizations. Finally, it describes the organizational and discursive recomposition in social movements. The political context is characterized by the closure of institutional politics and the persistence of repression of social movements. However, the great mobilizations have been possible, first, because they have organizational infrastructures and speeches capable of articulating diverse actors and, second, because peace negotiations motivate an expansion of the public agenda towards systematically blocked social problems, so that Potential benefits of the positioning of the demands of the movements is greater than the costs of collective action in terms of repression. ; Este artículo estudia los determinantes del ciclo de protesta entre 2010 y 2016 en Colombia. En primer lugar examina la dinámica de la política institucional en las últimas tres décadas. La segunda parte analiza las consecuencias del conflicto armado y la represión sobre los movimientos y organizaciones sociales. Finalmente, describe la recomposición organizativa y discursiva en los movimientos sociales. El contexto político se caracteriza por el cierre de la política institucional y la persistencia de la represión sobre los movimientos sociales. Sin embargo, las grandes movilizaciones han sido posibles, primero, porque cuentan con infraestructuras organizativas y discursos capaces de articular actores diversos y, segundo, porque las negociaciones de paz motivan una ampliación de la agenda pública hacia problemas sociales sistemáticamente bloqueados, de manera que los beneficios potenciales del posicionamiento de las reivindicaciones de los movimientos es mayor que los costos que acarrea la acción colectiva en términos de represión.

Increasing monopolisation of power, patriarchal approach to government and a feeling of disenfranchisement by a significant portion of society in the absence of proper public deliberation and dialogue on a number of critical issues have caused massive public outrage. An open letter from five concerned Turkish citizens.

Based on theories of cycles of collective behavior, this piece establishes a periodization of the cycle of anti-austerity and anti-political status quo protests in the shadow of the Great Recession that Spain faced between 2007 and 2015. More specifically, it tries to explain why the peak of protests persist-ed for so long: radicalization was contained, institutionalization postponed and protesters' divisions avoid-ed. The crucial argument here, an innovation with regards to the classic theories of cycles, is that the high standards of mobilization persisted for a long time as the result of the issue specialization of a more gen-eral anti-austerity fight and the strategic alliances ––with varying degrees of formality–– that new civil or-ganizations forged with the unions. For illustrating the longitudinal dynamics of the cycle of protests, we use original protest event data.

Does corruption increase general and anti-government protest? Scholarship has produced seemingly incompatible results, with some research demonstrating a strong connection between corruption and the onset of contentious politics and other research finding that heightened perceptions of corruption decrease activism. This article addresses this puzzle by examining how different types of corruption condition diverging contentious outcomes. Focusing on two highly salient forms of corruption in the African context—elite corruption and police corruption—this article argues that the different consequences, salience, and costs associated with these two forms help to condition whether citizens rise up or stay home. This argument is tested via two methods. First, it draws from a survey experiment conducted in five Nigerian states in 2017. The survey experiment tests whether exposure to different types of corruption affects willingness to join in protests. Second, it draws from statistical analysis of geo-located perceptions of corruption and protest across Africa, incorporating checks for both collinearity and endogeneity into the model. The statistical analysis examines whether heightened perceptions of corruption correlate with increased counts of general and anti-government protest. The results from both methods demonstrate that elite corruption is positively correlated with protest, whereas police corruption is not.

Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. (Martin Luther King, Jr.1). The notion of "literature of protest" in the global supply chain has different interpretations by different people. For the social and historical critics literary reformative calls ought to have a specific political objective, like changing a regime. From the deconstructionists viewpoint the literary text is ultimately a kind of protest in the global supply chain, meanwhile for a Marxist literary protest has to stir up and repeat the order of the relationships among the layers of the society. A feminist critic could claim that protest in the global supply chain does or does not promote a gender prejudice and a psychologist might think of it as exhibitions of the subconscious. Social calls for reforms may take an altogether new form for a traditional literary, critics who might argue that the moral connection between aesthetics and the political content is the content of the literature of societal protest in the global supply chain. Protest Literature in the global supply chain has existed in different forms throughout the literary history. Many of the important writers over the ages have utilized their expertise to awakening the societies to injustices locally and universally. They have in its spectrum some of the most instigating thoughts to provoke the emotions, besides such writings on the struggle of the individuals against social injustice. In other words protest art is the art that concentrates on disavowing the society's drawbacks and art that either supports or opposes some types of political or social amendments.

In the mid-1970s, French, German, and Swiss protesters jointly occupied the Wyhl nuclear reactor construction site in the Upper Rhine Valley. Even at the grassroots level, transnational cooperation allowed reactor opponents to transcend the limits of politics-as-usual and adopt "new" protest strategies. Moreover, though it was minutely local, the Wyhl occupation had significant transnational effects. Activists throughout Europe and even across the Atlantic considered this protest to influence the situation in their home countries. They were eager to build on the "example of Wyhl." Yet, as this article shows, activists beyond the Rhine had a hard time deploying transnationalism in the mass anti-nuclear protests and political campaigns that followed Wyhl. The West German Greens' 1979 European Parliament campaign is perhaps the best example of the way that activists inspired by Rhenish protests continued to emphasize transnationalism. Despite their European outlook, however, the Greens' first major political success came in Bonn, not Strasbourg. Thus, for the Greens and many others transnational thinking proved difficult to sustain beyond the grassroots level. It may have been most effective as a means of reinvigorating national politics.

The phenomenon of protests, currently on the rise in worldwide democracies, is made known to citizens mainly through representations in the media. This paper, responding to the need for a broader view of protest media coverage in an international context, examines the ways the 2014 Hong Kong protests were covered by the online versions of two highly influential and appealing newspapers, belonging to contrasting media systems: Guardian and China Daily. By revising a typology of previously used frames and inventing new ones this study conducts a quantitative content analysis of news articles with the view to a) highlight similarities and differences in the media coverage of protests within the above - mentioned media systems, b) find out whether the media coverage of such events with political ramifications is affected by the geopolitical interests of the countries. Based on our analysis, this study suggests the need for revising the protest paradigm as important factors - the protests' momentum, the media systems, the new information communication technologies and certain geopolitical interests - are involved in the dynamics surrounding media coverage of protests and as such they greatly influence the framing process. Moreover, our findings demonstrated that the media coverage of the 2014 HK protests by the two newspapers was reflective of both the media systems in which they function as well as of the distinctive national standpoints.

AbstractThis article examines the circumstances under which civilians, using protests as a mechanism, alter the strategic use of violence by armed actors (rebels and state forces). By examining the civil war in Colombia between 1988 and 2005, this study finds that combatants decrease their attacks against the population when civilians protest against the enemy. Combatants interpret such demonstrations as costly signals of loyalty. Furthermore, when insurgents are the target of the protests, insurgents increase repression against civilians as rebels get stronger. In contrast, state forces (and paramilitaries) compensate for their weakness in the area by multiplying civilian victims. Both state forces and rebels, however, are likely to decrease violence against civilians when civilians protest against both parties in contested zones. In such contexts, armed actors are likely to refrain from retaliation because any violence might drive noncombatants toward the enemy.

With the increase in large contentious demonstrations in the last decade has come a variety of new efforts to explain the tactics used by police. Based on an analysis of how the New York Police Department (NYPD) handled six demonstrations at the 2004 Republican National Convention (RNC), this article argues that the more repressive Miami model of policing has not become the universal norm in policing large protests. Each of the six protests was dealt with in a unique way, though a general pattern emerged in which the police used either the "soft hat" command and control model or the "hard hat" Miami model. This suggests that local police forces make decisions about how to police demonstrations independent of influence by federal officials or national trends. It also emphasizes the importance of local political context in investigating the motivations of police action at protests.