Suchergebnisse

Kollektive und öffentliche Proteste sowie die darauf bezogenen Reaktionen sind, so der Verfasser, genuiner Bestandteil der politischen Kultur einer Gesellschaft, sofern der Begriff politische Kultur nicht auf die subjektive Dimension, also auf politische Orientierungen, beschränkt wird. Insbesondere zeigen Proteste an, welche gesellschaftlichen Normen, Interessen und Verhaltensweisen akzeptiert und welche umstritten sind. Der Autor behandelt sozialen bzw. politischen Protest in einer interaktionszentrierten Perspektive als einen vielschichtigen Kommunikationsakt, in dem Dritten, vor allem den Massenmedien, eine herausragende Bedeutung zukommt. Ausgehend von einer Typologie zentraler kommunikativer Ziele und Funktionen von Protest werden die zentralen Adressaten und Strategien erörtert. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden signifikante Veränderungen von Protestkommunikation in einer langfristigen historischen Perspektive untersucht. Abschließend werden die kommunikativen Bedingungen für einen auf breite und positive öffentliche Resonanz zielenden Protest behandelt. Hierbei geht es darum, ein Optimum zwischen widersprüchlichen Anforderungen im Hinblick auf das öffentliche Erscheinungsbild des Protests zu finden. (ICF2).

This paper explores the spillover of protests across countries using data on nonviolent and spontaneous demonstrations for 200 countries from 2000 to 2020. Using an autoregressive spatial model, the analysis finds strong evidence of "contagious protests," with a catalyzing role of social media. In particular, social media penetration in the source and destination of protests leads to protest spillovers between countries. There is evidence of parallel learning between streets of nations alongside the already documented learning between governments.

Kollektive und öffentliche Proteste sowie die darauf bezogenen Reaktionen sind, so der Verfasser, genuiner Bestandteil der politischen Kultur einer Gesellschaft, sofern der Begriff politische Kultur nicht auf die subjektive Dimension, also auf politische Orientierungen, beschränkt wird. Insbesondere zeigen Proteste an, welche gesellschaftlichen Normen, Interessen und Verhaltensweisen akzeptiert und welche umstritten sind. Der Autor behandelt sozialen bzw. politischen Protest in einer interaktionszentrierten Perspektive als einen vielschichtigen Kommunikationsakt, in dem Dritten, vor allem den Massenmedien, eine herausragende Bedeutung zukommt. Ausgehend von einer Typologie zentraler kommunikativer Ziele und Funktionen von Protest werden die zentralen Adressaten und Strategien erörtert. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden signifikante Veränderungen von Protestkommunikation in einer langfristigen historischen Perspektive untersucht. Abschließend werden die kommunikativen Bedingungen für einen auf breite und positive öffentliche Resonanz zielenden Protest behandelt. Hierbei geht es darum, ein Optimum zwischen widersprüchlichen Anforderungen im Hinblick auf das öffentliche Erscheinungsbild des Protests zu finden. (ICF2)

"Anhand einzelner sportbezogener Konflikte in Geschichte und Gegenwart werden die vielfältigen Zusammenhänge zwischen Protest und Sport exemplarisch beleuchtet. Die Fallbeispiele zeigen, dass die Proteste ihre Impulse aus den unterschiedlichsten Motiven - sowohl mittelbar als auch direkt sportbezogen - beziehen." (Autorenreferat)

Protests often indicate social states of emergency. Protesters no longer agree with the existing situation and the way their lives are regulated; therefore, they demand immediate change. The Gezi Protests, in which people from various social, political, and class backgrounds went to the streets to voice their dissent, certainly reflected a state of emergency in Turkey. Young people, often referred to as members of the country's post-1980 apolitical generation within public discourse, unexpectedly gathered on the streets and acted as the frontrunners of this mass movement. What is more, their way of protesting through creative performances and humor effectively increased their visibility. Drawing upon the concept of emergency, and guided by a cultural performative approach, this article focuses on young people's experiences of protest. It is a study of the reasons and meanings behind young people's participation in the protests, as well as of values such as trust, solidarity, and collectivity upon which their action was grounded. My findings are based on qualitative field research, i.e., in-depth interviews conducted with young participants of the Gezi protests in İstanbul. The investigation is driven by the questions of how young people describe the notion of the political in relation to trust, solidarity, and collectivity, and how these diverse ways of describing the political through practices foreshadow a new understanding of the political, which gained momentum from the state of emergency of the Gezi Protests

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters' opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations. Adapted from the source document.

Jarosiewicz, A.: Protests in Azerbaijan : hot months expected ahead of the presidential election. - S. 2-4

South Africa has become a nation defined by its protests. Protests can, and do, bring societal problems to public attention in direct, at times dramatic, ways. But governments the world over are also tempted to suppress this right, as they often feel threatened by public challenges to their authority. Apartheid South Africa had a shameful history of repressing protests. The architects of the country's democracy expressed a determination to break with this past and recognise protest as a basic democratic right. Yet, today, there is concern about the violent nature of protests. Protest Nation challenges the dominant narrative that it has become necessary for the state to step in to limit the right to protest in the broader public interest because media and official representations have created a public perception that violence has become endemic to protests. Bringing together data gathered from municipalities, the police, protestor and activist interviews, as well as media reports, the book analyses the extent to which the right to protest is respected in democratic South Africa. It throws a spotlight on the municipal role in enabling or mostly thwarting the right. This book is a call to action to defend the right to protest: a right that is clearly under threat. It also urges South Africans to critique the often-skewed public discourses that inform debates about protests and their limitations

Tekst se zasniva na rezultatima empirijskog istraživanja koje je realizovano na uzorku učesnika beogradskog Protesta 96/97. Prezentovani nalazi istraživanja odnose se na sociodemografske karakteristike učesnika Protesta, njihov politički profil, karakter protesta, odnosno zahteve koje ističu demonstranti, kao i na njihovo ponašanje za vreme Protesta. ; The text is based on the results of an empirical survey an a sample of participants in the Belgrade 96/97 Protest. The research findings presented here relate to the socio-demographic characteristics of protest participants, their political profile, nature of the protest, i.e. demands put forward by the demonstrators, as well as their behavior during the Protest.