Suchergebnisse

We develop a model of spatial political competition with ideological parties and uncertainty. The political issue is the income tax rate and the amount of a public good. The ideology of each party is determine endogenously. We show that the tax rate does not coincide with the ideal policy of the median voter. Moreover, the tax rate is not increasing in the di¤erence between the mean income and the median income.

The article proposes that an internet website, in terms of linguistics, is perceived and described as a space. The subject of qualitative research presented in the article are posts written by the users of a vortal addressed to the website's administration. An analysis of the content of these posts has confirmed that the website is treated as a public space that, first and foremost, shares information, but also allows for interaction. In addition, the article provides an endogenous perspective on the subject matter, i.e. that of the creator of the website, for whom it constitutes a private space.

THE AUTHOR ASSERTS THAT THE ENTIRE DEBATE CONCERNING THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN POLITICS AND ADMINISTRATION ASSUMES A "PRESIDENTIALIST" TRADITION WHICH THE UNITED STATES SHARES WITH NO OTHER ADVANCED DEMOCRACIES -- INCLUDING FRANCE'S HYBRID SYSTEM. EVEN IN THE AMERICAN CONTEXT, THE DICHOTOMY SERVES AS A MYTHICAL FORMULATION WHICH LEGITIMIZES THE DIFFERENTIATION BETWEEN THE ROLES OF POLITICAL APPOINTEES AND CAREER CIVIL SERVANTS. THE PERSISTENCE OF THE MYTH ACCOUNTS TO A SIGNIFICANT DEGREE FOR THE ELUSIVENESS OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM IN THE U.S.

This study aims to examine differences in the performance of banks listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange before the COVID-19 pandemic in 2019 and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. The type of data collected is quantitative data. The data source used is secondary data derived from data on financial statements of banking companies listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange for the period 2019-2020. The analytical technique used is a different test, paired sample t test with a significance level of 5%. The results showed that the government policy POJK 11/POJK.03/2020 regarding credit restructuring which was later extended by POJK 48/POJK.03/2020 and POJK 12/POJK.03/2020 greatly affected the stability of bank performance.

Summary: In the context of the complications that can be identified in different areas between the works of Foucault and Rancière, this analysis reviews more particularly how the two authors deal with the links between subjectivity and politics. ; Resumen: En el marco de las complicidades que en distintos ámbitos se pueden identificar entre las obras de Foucault y Rancière, el presente análisis revisa más particularmente el modo cómo ambos autores abordan los vínculos entre subjetividad y política.

AbstractUsing panel data from Rural Peru we explore the role of institutional thickness on furthering the effects of key infrastructure investments on pro‐poor growth. Institutional thickness is characterised here as the result of a combination of four interrelated characteristics: (a) the presence of organisations signalling collective action; (b) the degree of productive asset inequality; (c) the degree of inequality of opportunities and (d) the degree of political fragmentation. The paper shows that institutionally thick environments do contribute to amplify the effects of public infrastructure on income growth for those belonging to the poorest tercile, allowing poverty to be more responsive to growth. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.

AbstractCash‐for‐care (CfC) schemes have introduced a key transformation in long‐term care policies across Europe since the 1990s. The article explores the extent to which CfC policies have changed over time and into which directions, the ways in which change (if any) has occurred and the forces underlying it. By combining the literature on institutional change with ideational approaches, the article focuses on policy theories and policy designs, on modes of change and factors pushing for change within the CfC policy, and in the long‐term care and neighbouring policy fields. In doing so, we aim to contribute to understanding institutional change and the transformation of an increasingly important sector of the welfare state.