Suchergebnisse

This book is an attempt to reconstruct, in the context of Polish and European history and culture, the picture of Europe and European integration present in Poles' minds. The reconstruction is based on semantic analyses of linguistic data in the context of Polish and European cultures. Until 2004, the political discourse on Poland's foreign policy had been focused on the issue of Poland joining the European Union. The accession of Poland to the EU became the reason behind forming public opinions on Europe in general, its history, place in the world and its relations with other continents or ci

Our concern in this paper is to analyse public discourse from the point of view of "functional perspective" on speech in Eugenio Coseriu's sense, considering language as a phenomenon that must be explained in finalistic terms. With its distinction of three functional levels of language (universal, historical and individual) and departing from the knowledge of the speaker and the activity of speech, Coseriu's framework offers very adequate instruments for understanding what we can generally call public discourse (as well as other types of discourse). The aim of the present work is to show how we can describe the finality of a text taking into account different types of textual functions involved within discourse. We will focus on political and advertising discourses, two of the most dominant types within public discourse nowadays, and we will concentrate on examples from Romanian. ; Our concern in this paper is to analyse public discourse from the point of view of "functional perspective" on speech in Eugenio Coseriu's sense, considering language as a phenomenon that must be explained in finalistic terms. With its distinction of three functional levels of language (universal, historical and individual) and departing from the knowledge of the speaker and the activity of speech, Coseriu's framework offers very adequate instruments for understanding what we can generally call public discourse (as well as other types of discourse). The aim of the present work is to show how we can describe the finality of a text taking into account different types of textual functions involved within discourse. We will focus on political and advertising discourses, two of the most dominant types within public discourse nowadays, and we will concentrate on examples from Romanian. ; Our concern in this paper is to analyse public discourse from the point of view of "functional perspective" on speech in Eugenio Coseriu's sense, considering language as a phenomenon that must be explained in finalistic terms. With its distinction of three functional levels of language (universal, historical and individual) and departing from the knowledge of the speaker and the activity of speech, Coseriu's framework offers very adequate instruments for understanding what we can generally call public discourse (as well as other types of discourse). The aim of the present work is to show how we can describe the finality of a text taking into account different types of textual functions involved within discourse. We will focus on political and advertising discourses, two of the most dominant types within public discourse nowadays, and we will concentrate on examples from Romanian. ; Our concern in this paper is to analyse public discourse from the point of view of "functional perspective" on speech in Eugenio Coseriu's sense, considering language as a phenomenon that must be explained in finalistic terms. With its distinction of three functional levels of language (universal, historical and individual) and departing from the knowledge of the speaker and the activity of speech, Coseriu's framework offers very adequate instruments for understanding what we can generally call public discourse (as well as other types of discourse). The aim of the present work is to show how we can describe the finality of a text taking into account different types of textual functions involved within discourse. We will focus on political and advertising discourses, two of the most dominant types within public discourse nowadays, and we will concentrate on examples from Romanian. ; Our concern in this paper is to analyse public discourse from the point of view of "functional perspective" on speech in Eugenio Coseriu's sense, considering language as a phenomenon that must be explained in finalistic terms. With its distinction of three functional levels of language (universal, historical and individual) and departing from the knowledge of the speaker and the activity of speech, Coseriu's framework offers very adequate instruments for understanding what we can generally call public discourse (as well as other types of discourse). The aim of the present work is to show how we can describe the finality of a text taking into account different types of textual functions involved within discourse. We will focus on political and advertising discourses, two of the most dominant types within public discourse nowadays, and we will concentrate on examples from Romanian.

It is widely believed that open and public speech is at the heart of the democratic ideal. Public discourse is instrumentally epistemically valuable for identifying good policies, as well as necessary for resisting domination (e.g. by vocally challenging decision-makers, demanding public justifications, and using democratic speech to hold leaders accountable). But in our highly polarized and socially fragmented political environment, an increasingly pressing question is: Do actual democratic societies live up to the ideal of inclusive public speech? In this essay, I explore Maxime Lepoutre's defense of discursive democracy from the challenge of defective public discourse. I argue that political ignorance, dogmatism, and social fragmentation present more formidable challenges to discursive democracy than Lepoutre acknowledges.

AbstractA growing, English‐language literature analyzes the public discourse of international education and students. One large set of studies highlight the discursive marginalization of non‐western, international students in western, host societies. They draw on critical discourse analysis (CDA) and meta‐narratives of western, White, and elite dominance, which diminish the theoretical importance of discourse in non‐western and non‐elite settings. A second, smaller set of studies analyze the public discourse of international education in non‐western, specifically Asian, countries; they generally reference educational discourse in both Asian and western countries. Relatively few studies critically examine patterns of discursive domination in Asian discourse; but the ones that do so compare both Asian and Western countries. Even rarer are studies of social media discourse among international students. We find a few studies of social media discourse among Asian students who studied abroad, but none of foreign students studying in host, Asian countries. Attention to multiple discourses and theoretical narratives offers a fruitful, research agenda and underlines the complex, dynamic, global nature of contemporary public discourse on international education.

International audience ; European integration has raised hopes and concerns about its effect on the distribution of power among different actors, and in particular on the role of the civil society. Focusing on the Europeanization of public discourse in Italy as a case study, this article addresses the specific problem of the formation of supranational public spheres. On the basis of content analyses of daily press and interviews, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames. Europeanization appears to have been traditionally a 'top-down' process: in fact the more Europeanized is a policy, actor, target or issue scope, the less civil society actors seem to have access to the public sphere. However, some changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of 'Europeanization from below'.

This article provides a critique of the self-validating public responses to the international crisis of legitimacy facing the banking industry and professional politicians since the economic crisis of 2009. It compares the failure of economic conscience within Establishment institutions with the public culture of intrinsic economic conscience found in some developing economies and similar embryonic developments in Western economies. It highlights the way this alternative economic conscience might contribute to public discourse about economic and political governance, and thereby to democratic renewal in more supposedly advanced societies.

The concept of open development presupposes a greatly increased supply of information available to citizens on the issues, products, and services that shape their lives. It means that governments should make information on budgets accessible and intelligible, local authorities should provide access to information about the provision of services that citizens can expect, and donors should be transparent about what they are spending, specifying for what and why, and doing so in forms that beneficiaries can use.

The article examines the ideological content of the concept of "civic consciousness" used in the public discourse of modern Russia. The main research method is a qualitative analysis of official publications aimed at identifying the main meanings of this concept. The article is dedicated to the analysis of civic consciousness as an ideological construct and a rhetorical strategy, substantiating the close historical and actual connection between ideology and civic consciousness, and considering the mutual determination of the functions of these phenomena. The main characteristics of sources that embody Russia's state model of civic consciousness are presented. The author shows the importance of historical dynamics of models of civic consciousness, their dependence on the phase of the evolution of each particular ideology. The author reveals that the model of civic consciousness is a value regulator of the political behavior of the population. The article concludes that the post-Soviet model of civic consciousness is an ideological mechanism for imposing duties and responsibilities on an individual, forming a mobilizing attitude to military or civil service to the state, that is, the ruling Corporation. This model cannot be effective for the development of social and human capital and political modernization of Russian society, since it preserves archaic political practices.