Suchergebnisse

Chan Chi Kit. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of figures --- p.vii ; Forward --- p.viii ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 ; Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 ; Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 ; Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 ; Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 ; Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 ; Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 ; Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 ; Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 ; Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 ; Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 ; Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 ; Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 ; Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 ; Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 ; Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 ; Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 ; Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 ; Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 ; Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 ; Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 ; Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong ...

Ho Man-sze. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2004. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves [83]-[86]). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; List of Tables ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Political versus Apolitical Youth --- p.1 ; Colonial Background of HK --- p.3 ; Political Aspirations of HK Youth --- p.4 ; Youth Studies in Political Participation --- p.7 ; Research Questions --- p.8 ; Significance of the Study --- p.10 ; Outline of the Thesis --- p.14 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.16 ; Habermasian Public Sphere --- p.16 ; Basic Principles of Public Sphere by Jurgen Habermas --- p.17 ; The Potential Public Sphere for HK Youth --- p.19 ; The Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth --- p.25 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methodology --- p.33 ; Questionnaire Survey: HK Youth Values 2002 --- p.33 ; The Political Attitude of HK Youth --- p.34 ; In-depth Interviews --- p.37 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Data Analyses --- p.41 ; Existence of Political Discussions --- p.41 ; A Subaltern Public Sphere of HK Youth? --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Discussions and Conclusions --- p.73 ; Social and Political Discussions Found --- p.73 ; The Possible Arena of Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.74 ; Domination within a Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.75 ; Co-existence of Dominant and Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.76 ; Interactions with the Wider Publics --- p.77 ; Contributing the Democratic Development of HK --- p.78 ; "Broadening the Definition of ""Subaltern""" --- p.79 ; Summary --- p.81

Li Shuk-wan. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-203). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; ABSTRACT --- p.I ; 摘要 --- p.II ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.III ; Chapter CHAPTER 1. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Statement of Goals --- p.1 ; The Feminization of The Occupation --- p.4 ; Setting: The Development of Gender Rights in Hong Kong --- p.10 ; Literature Review --- p.11 ; Methodology --- p.20 ; Field Observation --- p.23 ; About Skyhawk Air --- p.24 ; Questionnaires with the General Public --- p.25 ; Media Data --- p.25 ; Field and Thesis Languages --- p.26 ; Ethical Issues --- p.26 ; Outline of Thesis --- p.27 ; Chapter CHAPTER 2. --- "NEGOTIATING ""HUNGJE"" STEREOTYPES IN PUBLIC DISCOURSE" --- p.30 ; "Discourse, Ideologies, and the Normalized Public" --- p.30 ; Images of Hungje in the Media: The Public/Private Dichotomy --- p.33 ; Kind and Caring Mothers --- p.35 ; Friendly Neighbors --- p.37 ; Agents of Smile --- p.38 ; Beauty Icon --- p.41 ; Sex Icon --- p.44 ; Stereotypical Images of Hungje in Public Discourse --- p.47 ; FAs' Responses to Stereotypical Images in Public Discourse --- p.49 ; """Hungje and the Public/Private Dichotomy" --- p.50 ; """I am a Flight Attendant"" and ""I Work in the Airline Industry """ --- p.52 ; Chapter CHAPTER 3. --- RECRUITING THE RELEVANT BODY --- p.62 ; Experiences of Recruitment --- p.62 ; """To See and To Be Seen""" --- p.66 ; Phoenix Air Recruitment --- p.68 ; The Face --- p.68 ; "A """Pro ´ح Dress Code" --- p.70 ; The Arm-Reach --- p.71 ; "The ""Official"" FA Image" --- p.72 ; Tiger Air Recruitment --- p.73 ; The Arm-Reach --- p.73 ; The Standing Posture --- p.73 ; The FA Image --- p.74 ; The Sitting Posture --- p.75 ; "The ""Official"" FA Image" --- p.76 ; The Skin --- p.77 ; The Hairstyle --- p.78 ; Body Gestures --- p.79 ; Pre-Employment Briefing --- p.81 ; Conclusion --- p.82 ; Chapter CHAPTER 4. --- CREATING AN APPROPRIATE MARKETABLE IMAGE --- p.84 ; The Training Course --- p.85 ; Image Management at ...

過去50年,香港媒體有關藥物成癮的主要概念主要來自對海洛因(俗稱「白粉」)吸毒者的想像。「吸毒者」通常被視為「對工作和家庭不負責任」,並且被描繪成「以犯罪獲得金錢購買毒品來紓緩嚴重的斷癮症狀。」然而,近年來,大部份青少年吸毒者吸食軟性毒品如氯胺酮和搖頭丸,而非海洛因。對青少年吸毒者而言,在道德和醫學概念上的「吸毒」定義並不符合他們的毒品經驗,原因是他們在使用藥物後並無嚴重的斷癮症狀。這種傳統毒品觀念與青少年吸毒者經驗之間的「矛盾」對戒毒和預防教育產生很大障礙。 ; 本研究旨在找出現有主流媒體、戒毒機構及青少年吸毒者對「吸毒」的詮釋。本研究首先對禁毒政策進行歷史分析,以找出禁毒政策和現有的道德和醫學毒品論述之間的關係。另外,本研究對1978年至2008年的100個禁毒廣告及由1979年至2009年的26部禁毒電視新聞紀錄片進行文本及論述分析,以整合過去30年來本地媒體所運用的毒品論述。再者,本研究在一所福音戒毒中心(基督教得生團契)及一間社區戒毒輔導中心(香港路德會青欣中心)分別進行14個月及10個月民族誌考察,以檢視社工及青少年吸毒者如何運用主流媒體流行的毒品論述。 ; 本研究發現主流媒體經常使用一種包含道德及醫學論述的「過來人」敘事法(go through narrative)。這種敘事法主要以吸毒「過來人」作為關鍵主體,去描述吸毒者最「真實」的「浪子回頭」故事,並且組成了主流的「浪子回頭」論述(Prodigal Son Returns Home Discourse),為吸毒者建立了一個「浪子」身份。另外,本研究亦發現媒體中常見的「過來人」敘事法亦常被社工及戒毒過來人應用,並將吸毒定性為生活方式問題。青少年吸毒者對主流論述的「浪子」身份表現出不同程度的適應,但這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於「過來人」敘事法及其容許的論述原素(discursive components)當中。 ; 在理論層面上,本研究歸納出形成社會異類身份的主流論述所涉及的社會、組織、及互動層面的因素。而且,本研究亦歸納出在主流論述控制下,社會異類者體現自我身份自主性的策略,包括:「漠不關心」(Indifference)、「完整接受」(Adoption)、「自我適應」(Adaptation)及「自我肯定」(Affirmation)。透過靈活表述社會異類行為的性質,他們肯定個人身份及對抗主流論述。然而這種敘述自我身份的靈活性仍被局限於主流論述原素當中。 ; For over 50 years, the major conception of drug addiction in Hong Kong media comes from the imaginations of heroin addiction. Drug addicts are usually presented as irresponsible for job and family, and they commit crimes to get money to buy drugs in order to relieve serious withdrawal symptoms. However, in recent years, most youth addicts use 'recreational drugs' like ketamine and ecstasy rather than heroin. The moral and disease conceptions of drug addiction are not applicable in their drug-taking experiences because many youth psychotropic drug addicts find no severe withdrawal and tolerance symptom. The 'gap' between the conventional drug discourses and the experience of youth drug users produces dissonance among addicts, drug rehabilitation and preventive education. ; This study aims at figure out the existing meanings of drug addiction in the mass media and drug rehabilitation. Firstly, a historical analysis on the government anti-drug policy was conducted to figure out the relationship between ...

Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2001. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 ; Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 ; The Habermasian public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Universal access ; Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern ; Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion ; Gatekeeping in production ; Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization ; Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 ; Factors for developing public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Capitalism ; Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression ; Media and political communication in Hong Kong ; Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs ; Chapter ■ --- Period of germination ; Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition ; Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing ; Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong ; Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics ; Methodology --- p.p.47-55 ; Data collection ; Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case ; Data analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Content analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis ; Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 ; Technologies enhance accessibility ; Equal opportunity for callers ; Selecting calls ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics ; What is universal access? ; Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 ; Topics initiated by the public ; Handling of topics initiated by the public ; Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics ; Who sets the media agenda? ; Analysis III - Rational Discussion ...

Public discourse on cultural identity was not possible on the island of Taiwan until martial law was lifted there in 1987. While until then culture had mainly been an arena for the suppressed political discourse, the demise of the one-party reign of the Guomindang (KMT) at the end of the 20th century signified not only the transformation from an autocratic to a democratic system but also the end of the cultural hegemony of the mainlanders on the island. The transformation process paved the way for further cultural innovation, the keywords here being education reform, language debate, establishment of new academic disciplines, historiographic reconstruction etc. It has also led to a widespread discussion of a specifically Taiwanese cultural identity which is reflected in literature, language, art, theatre and film. The international workshop "Transformation! - Innovation? Taiwan in her Cultural Dimensions", held at Ruhr University in Bochum from March 7th-9th 2001, set out to shed new light on these issues and generated an intensive discussion of potential new interdisciplinary approaches to cultural and literary research in the field of Taiwan studies

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

Tang, Li. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 130-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.1 --- Public Sphere: Liberal Model --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.1.2 --- Criticism on Unitary Public Sphere --- p.11 ; Chapter 2.1.3 --- Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.12 ; Chapter 2.1.4 --- Criteria for Subaltern Public Sphere --- p.14 ; Chapter 2.1.5 --- External Parties --- p.16 ; Chapter 2.1.6 --- Public Sphere in the Cyberspace --- p.17 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Public Sphere in Contemporary China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.1 --- Application of the Concept of Public Sphere in China --- p.19 ; Chapter 2.2.2 --- Dominant Public Sphere in China --- p.21 ; Chapter 2.2.3 --- Subaltern Groups in China --- p.23 ; Chapter 2.2.4 --- Subaltern Public Spheres in Chinese Cyberspace --- p.25 ; Chapter 2.2.5 --- HBV Carriers Group and the Forum --- p.28 ; Chapter 3 --- Research Design --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Overall Conceptual Framework --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Research Questions --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Research Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.1 --- Textual Analysis --- p.36 ; Chapter 3.3.2 --- Interviews --- p.39 ; Chapter 4 --- Brief Overview of the Forum --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Overall Development --- p.43 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Structure --- p.46 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Users --- p.50 ; Chapter 5 --- Empowerment on the Discursive Level --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Characteristics of the Forum --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.1 --- Alternative Topic --- p.53 ; Chapter 5.1.2 --- Alternative Information of HBV --- p.54 ; Chapter 5.1.3 --- Discourse of Self-Narrative --- p.59 ; Chapter 5.1.4 --- Forum Accessibility --- p.61 ; Chapter 5.1.5 --- Relative Equality --- p.62 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Rhetoric of Innocence --- p.64 ; Chapter 5.2.1 --- Attribution of the Spread of HBV --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.2.2 --- Attribution of Discrimination --- p.68 ; Chapter 5.3 --- ...

「何謂社運成果」是過去一段時間社運研究的主要範圍。回顧文獻,關於「社運成果」(Movement outcome)的討論都圍繞政府對運動的政策回應。然而,本研究則針對政府對運動的論述回應,從政策回應(Policy responsiveness)及論述回應(Discursive responsiveness)兩個維度,探討分析社運成果的其他可能性。尤其是,本研究會著重探討「論述挪用」(Discursive appropriation)的操作及對社運成果的影響。 ; 所謂論述挪用,即政府選擇性地取用社運認知框架(Movement frame)作為政策認知框架(Policy frame),局部地回應社運團體及抗爭者的政策訴求,藉此表示已經作出政策回應,同時把社運團體及抗爭者依賴的認知框架收為己用。 ; 本研究以「高官問責制」及保育政策為個案,嘗試整理論述挪用的產生因素和機制。本研究提出論述機會結構(Discursive opportunity structure)及關鍵突發事件(Critical incident)作為主要的背景因素,促使社運認知框架及媒介認知框架(Media frame)產生互動及不同能動者的論述角逐,構成可供政府挪用的民意。最後,政府選擇了合用的論述,制定政策或作出政策轉變,並指為對社運團體及公眾作出了回應。 ; 本研究的結果給現時關於社運成果的文獻一個重要提示:如果加入論述回應去分析社運成果,實在不能排除,在論述挪用的操作下,某個特定時刻的社運成果,其實難以持續。更甚者,當本來的社運論述已經被政府收為己用,除非有新一波關鍵突發事件出現,否則,在缺乏論述資源下,社運團體關注的議程往往難以再獲得社會關注,再次推展運動。 ; 關鍵字:社運成果、認知框架、公共論述、論述機會結構、高官問責制、古蹟保育 ; "To what extent a social movement is successful" is the question that the current social movement research focuses on asking. While the conventional discussion of "movement outcome" emphasizes on the government's response in terms of the policy change, this research aims at enriching the discussion by looking into the government's discursive responsiveness as the additional dimension to analyze movement outcome. In particular, it focuses on the conceptual possibility of "discursive appropriation". It means that the government appropriated the movement frame for the initiatives of policy that seemed to be made in response to the social movement. ; With Hong Kong as the research context, the Accountability System for Principal Officials and the policies of heritage conservation were the case studies of the research. To look into the mechanism of discursive appropriation, the research identified discursive opportunity structure and critical incidents as the contextual factors for the discursive contest. Then the circulation of movement frame and media frame constituted as the major part of public opinion. Finally, the bias and limitation of the media and the challengers enabled the government to selectively appropriate certain part of the public discourse for ...

Wong, Ying Suet. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-131). ; In English with some Chinese and Japanese; abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.3 ; Literature Review --- p.7 ; Structure --- p.10 ; Notes on Sources --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Venereal Disease Policies in the Metropole and Their Colonies --- p.15 ; The Case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Metropole: The case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Colonies: The Case of Colonies under Britain --- p.23 ; The Case of Japan with Reference of Britain as the Pioneer Policy Maker --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Venereal Disease control in the Metropole --- p.31 ; Legislation --- p.32 ; Institutions --- p.44 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.49 ; Resistance --- p.55 ; VD control in the Japanese Military Force --- p.60 ; Summary --- p.67 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Venereal Disease Control in Colonial Taiwan --- p.70 ; Legislation --- p.72 ; Licensed prostitution system --- p.72 ; The VD Prevention Law --- p.79 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.84 ; Before the VD Prevention Law in Japan in 1927 --- p.84 ; Education and Public Discussion of VD after the promulgation of the VD Prevention Law in 1927 --- p.90 ; The Changing Discourse of VD --- p.95 ; Summary --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- "Sex, Gender, Class, Race and Colonialism" --- p.101 ; Taiwanese Women´ةs image: Scapegoating --- p.101 ; Medical Development: State Medicine and Local Elites --- p.106 ; VD Control in the Military in Taiwan --- p.109 ; Summary --- p.111 ; Chapter Chapter Six: --- Conclusion --- p.114 ; Bibliography --- p.120

围龙屋是客家人聚族而居的传统建筑,集中分布于广东东北部。它蕴含一套独特的空间构造和象征体系,体现了客家人的社会结构和性别观念。空间作为一项技术,在物质领域和精神领域上划分了两性的界限,并维护着性别关系结构。集体化时期国家对围龙屋进行了全面性改造,女性抓住机会获取村落公共空间的话语权,并在今天成为宗教活动的主导。改革开放之后,经济改革促使当地人搬出围龙屋住进新式楼房,家庭关系也随之改变。 ; 本文以梅州一座围龙屋为研究对象,以客家妇女的日常生活实践为核心主题,通过分析围龙屋聚落的历史脉络、空间构造及其社会意义的转变,探讨空间生产过程中女性个体、国家力量和传统文化观念之间的互动与角力,从而理解中国建国后的社会、政治、经济变迁。国家通过改造围龙屋来达成管制目的,客家女性在国家话语下发挥能动性获取更多的生存空间,同时也受到传统文化观念的约束。今天,国家力量借助市场经济以非正式的方式渗透农村,彻底改变了家庭权力结构,并使传统文化滋生出新的表现形式。 ; The weilong houses serve as the dwelling places for the Hakka people in Northeast Guangdong. Each weilong house contains elaborate spatial arrangements and a symbolic system that embodies the social order and gender relations of the Hakka. Space draws the boundaries between men and women in both the material and spiritual spheres, maintaining the gender structure of the Hakka society. During the collectivization period when the state reorganized the weilong house, women seized the opportunity to gain power for the control of village public space, and later they became religious leaders, even to the present. The economic reforms since 1978 have induced the villagers to leave the weilong house and move into new double-storey buildings, changing the family relations in the household. ; This research is a study of a weilong house in Meizhou, with focus on the daily practices of Hakka women. Taking into account of the history of the weilong house, its spatial structure and the changes in its social meanings, I seek to explore the production and reproduction of space in relation to women, tradition and the state, leading to a deeper understanding of the social-economic and political changes since 1949. The state achieved its rule through the re-arrangement of space, and the Hakka women use their agency to gain more living space under the state discourse, despite being constrained by traditional culture. Today, through market forces, state power has permeated all aspects of village life, transforming the power structure of the family thoroughly and enabling traditional culture to express in new ...

有明末造,顧憲成、高攀龍諸君講學東林,風動天下,以致黨禍連結,與國運相始終。「東林」遂為政治史與思想史之一大關目,匪特同世之人,褒貶迭出,自近代以降,學人研究亦稱夥矣。然前人關注之重心,主要為「明末」在朝之「東林黨」;於「東林書院」之活動,尤其是書院在清初的發展演變,尚鮮有及之。本研究擬以順治、康熙兩朝為主要時段,從遺民與當道互動的角度考察東林書院之興復及其講學活動,對學界少有關注的書院祀典之爭加以考述和分析,並探討清初東林學者如何就「氣節」「學統」等議題對明代東林傳統作出反省與建構,希望繇此對東林書院由明入清之歷史變化作一勾勒。 ; 本文將清初東林書院之史事置於「道」「勢」相對的框架之中展開分析,相對於前人用「以道抗勢」分析士權與君權的對峙,本文則更關注士人階層内部在「道」「勢」兩重身份之間的張力。儒家士人既要守「道」傳學,又當以「勢」經世,兩者之閒本須權衡調和。而在明清易代之際,「民間學者」與「地方官員」兩種士人身份之殊途,實質上形成了「道」與「勢」的分離。書院作爲一地方性的學術組織,既是在野學者力量之代表,又不能不受制於官方之權力,在此時遂成爲一個「道」與「勢」折衝的空間。然而,「道」「勢」二者之關係在調和之中亦悄然變化。如果說明代的東林運動有一種「以道馭勢」的理想與實踐;那麽在清初書院的發展中,學者本身「政治」一面弱化,「學術」也退守於中行默修,於是「道」乃反為「勢」所羈縻。而在理學委頓、樸學代興這一學術本身的轉折中,「道」「勢」關係之遷變亦可為一機緣。緣乎是,對清初東林書院的研究,不但可以在一個點上展現士人文化與社會風氣的變遷,更能為我們理解傳統中國「政治」與「學術」之互動提供助益。 ; The anti-eunuch struggle of the 'Tung-lin Party' (東林黨) which was succeeded by continuous partisan disputes in the late Ming Period has long been considered of great significance to understand its contemporary politics and even the collapse of the dynasty. However, the other aspect of this movement, namely the scholarly practice of the Tung-lin academy (東林書院) has not been given equivalent attention. Therefore, the development of the academy after the so-called 'partisan disaster' (黨禍) has been, not surprisingly, seldom discussed by existing studies. This thesis aims at providing a historical account of the Tung-lin academy in early Qing period (1644-1722), focusing on four main topics: the organization of public conferences or lectures(講會), the debates over the academy's pantheon , the discourse on moral integrity(氣節) and the increasing concerns for academic orthodoxy among intellectuals. ; Scholars in the academy were by definition involved in the tension between Confucian values(道) and the political authority(勢) since they were supposed to be both academic and political elites. What complicated the issue was the defiant attitude of Ming-loyalists towards the newly established Manchu regime. Although being regarded as shelters for scholars who refused to serve the Qing government, academies could hardly be ...