U radu se ljubav poima kao kulturna pojava čije značenje je, za pojedinca, rezultat različitih diskursa o ljubavi. Dok je jedan od njih diskurs o romantičnoj ljubavi te ulazak u brak, koji se na nju nadovezuje, a potom i zasnivanje obitelji (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012), diskurs o demokratskoj i fluidnoj ljubavi obuhvaća "odstupanja" od takva slijeda (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). Uvidom u različite narative, znanstvene i kolokvijalne, u radu se problematizira stvaranje predodžbi o budućoj ljubavnoj vezi i braku. ; In the paper love is perceived as a cultural phenomenon the significance of which – for the individual – is the result of different discourses on love. One of them is the discourse on romantic love and its follow-up, marriage and family (Giddens 1992; Illouz 2012). On the other hand, the discourse on democratic and fluid love covers "departures" from such a sequence (Giddens 1992; Bauman 2003). After due consideration of different (scientific and colloquial) narratives, the paper problematises the development of ideas about future love relationships and marriage.
U ovome pristupu medijska kultura i medijski sadržaji posmatraju se diskurzivno. Medijska praksa posmatra se kao javno komuniciranje, a medijski diskurs kao njezin ishod. Jednako, novinarstvo se posmatra kao jedan od vodećih oblika medijske prakse, odnosno javnoga komuniciranja, a novinarski diskurs kao jedan od njezinih glavnih ishoda. Zato se u radu polazi od vijesti kao arhetipskoga oblika javnoga i medijskog diskursa te se nudi svojevrsni konstitutivni model, odnosno paradigma novinarstva. Tu paradigmu čine principi istinitosti i odgovornosti, kao i atributi triju grupa metateorijskih pitanja – odnosa prema stvarnosti, vjesnovrijednosti i jezika, odnosno komunikativnoga koda. Konstitutivni se model kasnije koristi za teorijsku dekonstrukciju triju najčešćih paradigmi medijskoga diskursa, kako novinarskoga, tako i onih u tržišnome komuniciranju, odnosno u oglašavanju i odnosima s javnošću, javne, političke i komercijalne. Atributi konstitutivne paradigme u istraživanjima mogu se operacionalizirati kao pokazatelji određene paradigme ili paradigme medijskoga diskursa, odnosno njihove hibridizacije. ; In this approach, media culture and media content are viewed discursively. Media practice is regarded as public communication and media discourse as its outcome. Likewise, journalism is considered as one of the main methods of media practice, or public communication, and journalistic discourse as one of its main outcomes. For this reason, the study starts with news as an archetype of public and media discourse and proposes a specific constitutive model or paradigm of journalism. The paradigm is comprised of the principles of truthfulness and responsibility, as well as the attributes of three groups of metatheoretical questions – the attitude to social reality, newsworthiness, and language or a communicational code. The constitutive model is further used for the deconstruction of three most common paradigms of media discourse, both in journalism and in market communication, i.e., in advertising and public relations: public, political and commercial. The attributes of the constitutive paradigm can be operationalized in research as indicators of certain paradigms or paradigms of media discourse, or of their hybridization.
The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy in the context of the present-day debates on the theory of morals & politics. The starting point of Habermas' theory is his idea of discourse ethics. This is cognitivist ethics in the tradition of Kant, Rawis, Tugendhat & Apel that is built around the concept of normative correctness analogous to the descriptive notion of truth. This idea is best expressed by Kant's categorical imperative, according to which the validity of norms depends on their generalizability. Habermas, in line with Kant, is aware of the impossibility to rationally found universalist ethics. Instead of the final (deductive) foundations he offers the reflexion about the assumptions of a meaningful discourse i.e. the argumentation rules that must be respected if language communication is to be meaningful. Habermas' outline of the theory of law in his book Between Facts and Norms (Faktizirat und Geltung) builds on this moral-theoretical position. In modern society the function of law is to facilitate social communication: law is the legitimate framework of social communication on which the actors can rely. Habermas considers the specific link between human rights & popular sovereignty as the source of legitimacy. Human rights & popular sovereignty mutually condition each other & at the same time there is tension between them. The absolutization of individual rights makes democracy impossible since decision-making is obstructed; absolutization of popular sovereignty leads to the tyranny of the majority & the loss of rights. Habermas thinks that law can be legitimized by communicational mediation between the individual rights & popular sovereignty, in line with the principle that the claim to validity can only be laid by those norms that are approved of by all potentially affected individuals as rational discourse participants. Popular sovereignty is consistently procedurally interpreted. On the one hand, it is practised by means of public discourses & on the other through decision-making processes within democratically structured political institutions. The two dimensions of legitimizing law are different yet complementary: public discourses take place in civil society, political decisions are made in democratic institutions of the state. This is also an outline of the specific position of Habermas' political theory of deliberative democracy. It is equally distant from the model of liberal democracy which emphasizes possessive individualism & the protection of citizens' private interests, & from the republican democratic model that emphasizes political participation of active citizens. The theory of deliberative democracy emphasizes the importance of civil society: It is a sort of a practical verification of discourse ethics. Civil society is a sphere of autonomous public communication that is complementary to state administration but cannot substitute it. Communication power is exercised in the "siege mode" i.e. multiple discourses of civil society should contribute to the rationality & legitimacy of the decisions made by the political system, but do not have to replace them nor expose them to populist pressures. 2 Figures, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.
The international community, with the implementation of a well-thought out strategy, has established in Bosnia & Herzegovina a pluralist & independent media sphere that has enabled the public discourse with objective information-providing & promotion of a plethora of different opinions. Such pluralist media scene contributes to the full freedom of expression, promotes the culture of dialogue & civil society, & represents a corrective to the state & the political structures. The article analyzes the media scene in Bosnia & Herzegovina since the 1980s (the then socialist BiH) until now. In stages, the plurality of the media in Bosnia & Herzegovina before the war, during the war, & after the signing of the Dayton Accord is analyzed. The author also lists the statistical data which serve for the quantitative analysis of the development of the media in BiH & as the measure of the diversity of its media scene. 12 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
In his recent essay Wojciech Sadurski distinguishes between the "real" & the "conceptual" conflict, the distinction originally introduced by Bernard Williams. A conflict is "real" when the prospects of another group are also an option for us, meaning that it is reasonably convincing or possible for us to become like them. This does not only imply a comparison between us & the culture or the identity to which, in real life, we could not be similar but also means that we confront a culture, which has some practical implications. Similarly the identity of a community is constituted in opposition to another identity or as a part of another identity. The construction of a community's identity is greatly influenced by social discourse as a set of communications of a certain group related to this group & other social groups it gets into contact with. The author claims that the dominant discourse on the European Union in Croatia hugely differs from the European discourse on the European Union; consequently, there is a difference in the construction of the Croatian & the European identity. This difference in the discourses stands in the way of Croatia's incorporation into the distributive mechanisms of the European Union & the maximization of the membership benefits. References. Adapted from the source document.
Nebojsa Blanusa's Ph. D. dissertation Uloga teorija zavjera u konstrukciji politicke zbilje u Hrvatskoj 1980.-2007. (The Role of Conspiracy Theories in the Construction of Political Reality in Croatia in the 1980-2007 Period), defended at the U of Zagreb in 2009, is presented, outlining its objectives, summarizing & commenting on its three major thematic parts, listing the topics of its nine chapters, & expressing some positive evaluative remarks in the concluding paragraph. The study applies the methods of discourse analysis to investigate the presence of political conspiracy theories in Croatian public life, & the mass media in particular, & a quantitative analysis of questionnaire data to assess the extent to which Croatian citizens subscribe to the view that conspiracy theory constructs the political reality in their country. Adapted from the source document.
The author introduces the concept of agonistic democracy as an alternative to the deliberative model, along the lines of John Gray & Chantal Mouffe in their insistence on the primacy of the political in the public sphere & the agonistic character of social relations. On the one hand, the primacy of the political calls our attention to the drawbacks of the solutions to political & social conflicts by means of legal procedures. On the other, the agonistic theory of plural societies insists on relinquishing the harmonious view of society; ie, we have to come to terms with the fact that there are certain unsolvably & irreducibly deep conflicts. Agonistic democracy highlights social conflicts & divisions with the explicit purpose of their discursive grouping, the formation of a hegemonic discourse & the permanent reshuffling of the existing power relations, & to avoid their downsizing. Its goal is to turn antagonism (friend-foe) into agonic (friend-adversary). The paper ends on a cautionary note by identifying the shortcomings of all democratic models, including those by Gray or Mouffe, which is particularly important to bear in mind at a time when we are becoming -- or have already become -- bigger losers in peacetime than in an open conflict. Hence, there is not perfect democratic model or a perfect recipe for eradicating tragic conflicts. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
In the text the author discusses the problem of the European identity -- which emerged in the earlier stage of the process of European integration -- from the perspective of the discourse theory. This approach was overlooked in the early stages of the development of the European studies, in which the economistic approach emphasizing only the economic benefits of the European integration prevailed; today, however, the European identity issue is one of the central questions, & the success of the process of the European integration depends on. The question of the European identity has for a long time been identified with the concept of "Europe's positive public image" appealing to the citizens & to the political communities involved in the process of the European integration. The question of the European identity was for the first time systematically elaborated on in an EC document -- the Copenhagen Declaration of 1973 -- & since then the debate on Europe's political & cultural identity has permanently been on the agenda, particularly of the Eurosceptic political movements & ideas. The author looks into the theory of identity from the perspective of the latest contributions, particularly from the perspective of modern social theories, & suggests that the European studies ought to take into consideration the dual nature of the identification, the discursive & the affective, as well as the symbolic & the libidinal. That is why the European studies have to work out how to thwart Euroscepticism & develop the strategies of countering the phenomena such as a lack of pervasive identifications of citizens with Europe. References. Adapted from the source document.
A revised translation of an article originally published as "Der ambivalente Liberalismus. Oder: Was halt die liberale Demokratie zusammen?" Zeitschrift fur Politik (42 [1995] 3, 250-267). A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of postcommunist societies, but of the intellectual skepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed Western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate & reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, & no civil-religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or postmodern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanisms & the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market, & competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights & restricted government & the egalitarian distribution of goods & opportunities. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.
The concept of "bureaucracy" covered the field of negative stances in postrevolutionary Yugoslavia. Its fuzziness allowed different, though ostensibly all anti-Stalinist, interpretations by the Party-State discourse (mainly Kardelj and Bakaric) vs. the discourse of the "loyal opposition" (Branko Horvat and the Praxis group). The first group wanted to dismantle State centralization but insisted there was no ruling class. The second group could not, for various reasons, insist on a ruling class but discussed its power and effect. The term "bureaucracy" grew from a useful start of public discussion finally into sterile talmudism. But it's very limits indicate a crucial, though absent, concept and state of power. Adapted from the source document.
The concept of "bureaucracy" covered the field of negative stances in post-revolutionary Yugoslavia. Its fuzziness allowed different, though ostensibly all anti-Stalinist, interpretations by the Party-State discourse (mainly Kardelj and Bakaric) vs. the discourse of the "loyal opposition" (Branko Horvat and the Praxis group). The first group wanted to dismantle State centralization but insisted there was no ruling class. The second group could not, for various reasons, insist on a ruling class but discussed its power and effect. The term "bureaucracy" grew from a useful start of public discussion finally into sterile talmudism. But its very limits indicate a crucial, though absent, concept and state of power. Adapted from the source document.
The use of policy networks in the research of public policies includes identifying policy actors (both state & non-state actors) & determining the type of their relations, with the purpose of description & analysis of the policy process. The basic assumption of the approach is that contemporary policy-making is characterized by sharing of responsibilities for policy-making among state & the non-state actors. The approach is faced with a critical charge that it doesn't make a clear distinction between dependent & independent variables, & that it does not contain an implicit causal logic that could be falsified. Even though this criticism is partly justified, the policy networks approach should not be dismissed, albeit it should not be understood as a theory (in the sense of E. & V. Ostrom's level of theoretical discourse). Furthermore, the criticism mostly affects the 'interest intermediation school', which understands policy networks as generic term for different forms of state-society relations. Thus, the 'governance school' is much more fruitful for the development of policy networks idea. The 'Governance school' of policy networks approach can be understood as a framework &/or a model. Firstly, the policy networks approach has most similarities with the cycle model of policy process & the two approaches are closely related frameworks of public policy research. The characteristics of contemporary policy-making calls for adding policy networks to the cycle model &, in this perspective, the policy networks approach becomes an analytical tool-box for organizing empirical material. Secondly, policy networks are conceived as a specific form of governance, which becomes dominant in the recent literature. Within this perspective, ideas about policy networks have bigger theoretical ambitions, but are still developed at a level of a model, & not theory. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.
Gender and sexuality in the Croatian educational context occasionally resurface in the public discourse due to political instrumentalization but are largely neglected as a research topic. To address this absence, this paper presents original data on high-school and university experiences of queer persons collected in critically oriented research which examines social inequality of queer individuals in the Croatian educational institutions. Based on these data and drawing parallels with previous studies in an international context, the authors outline a theoretical approach that conceptualises gender and sexuality as interdependent social processes. Through showing how educational institutions actively marginalise persons of non-normative gender and sexual orientation, the authors point to the importance of conceptualising the everyday life of queer persons in education as a source of knowledge about these processes by highlighting the complex relationship between gender and sexuality – which authors do by establishing theoretical and methodological collaborations between sociology, queer theories as well as critical and institutional ethnography. The study's findings suggest that educational institutions have a mediating role in creating inequality based on gender and sexual differences since they function as spaces privileging heterosexuality and heteronormativity. This results in an ambivalent status of queer gender expressions and sexualities as they are simultaneously a subject of public negotiation and stigmatization and hidden in the private sphere of each person. (In)visibility and (non)acceptance of non-normative gender expressions and sexualities in the Croatian educational context imply a continuous process of managing one's identity between institutional and personal spheres of action. ; Teme roda i seksualnosti u obrazovnom kontekstu zbog političke instrumentalizacije povremeno su prisutne u javnom diskursu, ali su istraživački nedovoljno zastupljene. To osobito vrijedi za izvorna i kritički usmjerena istraživanja koja bi utvrdila kako obrazovne institucije u Hrvatskoj pridonose društvenoj nejednakosti queer osoba. Ovim se člankom pokušava nadomjestiti ta podzastupljenost teorijskom raspravom o konceptualizaciji roda i seksualnosti kao međuovisnih osobnih i društvenih procesa te prikazom rezultata istraživanja u kojem je taj pristup korišten. Kako dosadašnje spoznaje u međunarodnom kontekstu pokazuju, obrazovne institucije imaju aktivnu ulogu u procesima marginalizacije osoba nenormativne queer rodne i seksualne orijentacije, zato je nužno razumijevanje obrazovne svakodnevice kao izvora znanja o tim procesima kroz promišljanje isprepletenosti roda i seksualnosti. Ta isprepletenost u svrhu istraživanja društvene nejednakosti nastale na temelju rodne i seksualne različitosti mora teorijski i istraživački povezati sociologiju, queer teorije te kritičku i institucionalnu etnografiju. Na taj se način uspostavlja cjeloviti teorijski i metodološki pristup koji je korišten u istraživanju srednjoškolskog i visokoškolskog obrazovnog iskustva queer osoba u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da obrazovne institucije imaju posredničku ulogu u stvaranju nejednakosti na temelju rodnih i seksualnih različitosti. Obrazovne su institucije ponajprije prostor koji privilegira heteroseksualnost i heteronormativnost, dok su queer izričaji roda i seksualnosti s jedne strane predmetom javnog označavanja i stigmatiziranja, a s druge strane predmetom prisiljavanja na privatnu i skrivenu sferu. Ne/vidljivost i ne/prihvaćanje nenormativnih rodnih izričaja i seksualnosti za queer osobe u hrvatskom obrazovnom kontekstu predstavlja trajan proces pregovaranja između institucionalnih i osobnih domena djelovanja.
