Suchergebnisse

The research paper "Public Discourse on Lithuanian Higher Education" discloses that despite the achievements and international recognition, society is critical of the higher education system and university activities. The discrepancy between the assessment results by the Lithuanian society and international, might be possible due to the biased information provided by the media. The public discourse on higher education concentrates on the higher education image building process and aims to provide the answers to the questions: what, how and why the media builds that type of image and what the consequences are. The purpose of the research was to analyze the data from the articles on higher education in the traditional and internet media during the period September 2005 to March 2006. The findings prove that the majority of the articles on higher education are critical. The number and the content of the articles disclosed a tendency to build a negative image of the higher education institutions in the media. Opinion leaders put forward a message that the following stakeholders are not satisfied with the quality of higher education: students, young scientists and employers. Critique of the higher education management ranked as the most frequent among other topics on higher education. This closely relates to other internal problems of higher education institution which provoke critical reaction from the public. The author states that corruption, protectionism, stagnation in the higher education, are the topics that are easily understood by the general public and escalate negative image building. The research on the frequency of mentioning higher education topic by months, show that even in the context of other important higher education related events, the topics mentioned above prevail. Comparing the attitudes on education topics created by the media to public statistical data, we have noticed that the media manipulates statistical data and other discourse facts and statements to promote a negative higher education image. Since the majority of the Lithuanian society are not familiar with the Lithuanian laws on higher education and EU documents, they do not distinqiush between college and university education which makes it easy to charnel a biased and distorted information through the media. The lack of information on the international tendencies in higher education can also help to view the local problems as unique. Comparison of the ways the problems are presented in Great Britain and Lithuanian media show different attitudes and aims. Only a close cooperation between the stakeholders (students, higher education institution, government, businesses) can guarantee quality higher education. Likewise, these stakeholders are responsible for the state and the quality of the higher education. However, only the businesses avoid the critique in the media. Moreover, the statements made by the businesses on higher education, protection of the areas directly related to business and ignoring and treating other areas as inferior, show their attempt to re- organize universities to serve their purposes only and to equally participate in the allocation of the EU structural funds. Thus, we make a preposition that certain business groups are responsible for the negative image building of the higher education in Lithuania. This divides the academic society, as well as Lithuanian society and involves into fruitless debates, postpones decision making, reform implementation and development of the higher education. Abundance of the critical articles diminishes the value of the higher education in the eyes of the Lithuanian society.

The research paper "Public Discourse on Lithuanian Higher Education" discloses that despite the achievements and international recognition, society is critical of the higher education system and university activities. The discrepancy between the assessment results by the Lithuanian society and international, might be possible due to the biased information provided by the media. The public discourse on higher education concentrates on the higher education image building process and aims to provide the answers to the questions: what, how and why the media builds that type of image and what the consequences are. The purpose of the research was to analyze the data from the articles on higher education in the traditional and internet media during the period September 2005 to March 2006. The findings prove that the majority of the articles on higher education are critical. The number and the content of the articles disclosed a tendency to build a negative image of the higher education institutions in the media. Opinion leaders put forward a message that the following stakeholders are not satisfied with the quality of higher education: students, young scientists and employers. Critique of the higher education management ranked as the most frequent among other topics on higher education. This closely relates to other internal problems of higher education institution which provoke critical reaction from the public. The author states that corruption, protectionism, stagnation in the higher education, are the topics that are easily understood by the general public and escalate negative image building. The research on the frequency of mentioning higher education topic by months, show that even in the context of other important higher education related events, the topics mentioned above prevail. Comparing the attitudes on education topics created by the media to public statistical data, we have noticed that the media manipulates statistical data and other discourse facts and statements to promote a negative higher education image. Since the majority of the Lithuanian society are not familiar with the Lithuanian laws on higher education and EU documents, they do not distinqiush between college and university education which makes it easy to charnel a biased and distorted information through the media. The lack of information on the international tendencies in higher education can also help to view the local problems as unique. Comparison of the ways the problems are presented in Great Britain and Lithuanian media show different attitudes and aims. Only a close cooperation between the stakeholders (students, higher education institution, government, businesses) can guarantee quality higher education. Likewise, these stakeholders are responsible for the state and the quality of the higher education. However, only the businesses avoid the critique in the media. Moreover, the statements made by the businesses on higher education, protection of the areas directly related to business and ignoring and treating other areas as inferior, show their attempt to re- organize universities to serve their purposes only and to equally participate in the allocation of the EU structural funds. Thus, we make a preposition that certain business groups are responsible for the negative image building of the higher education in Lithuania. This divides the academic society, as well as Lithuanian society and involves into fruitless debates, postpones decision making, reform implementation and development of the higher education. Abundance of the critical articles diminishes the value of the higher education in the eyes of the Lithuanian society.

This research aims to analyse dual citizenship status in Lithuania as a concept in Parliamentary debates as well as in media throughout Lithuania and Lithuanian communities living abroad. Analysis has taken a two level direction – the main characteristics of participants and their groups in public discourse and its content examination at the same time. The changes in legal, political and social level in Lithuania in addition stimulated by Lithuanian Diaspora movements brought dual citizenship question into the discourse field in connection with three different contexts the topic is most often debated in. First of all, the development of a sending state pattern, where dual citizenship can be seen as a way to maintain links with Lithuanian Diaspora. Secondly, how it is seen in recognition of dual citizenship status for other ethnic origins residing in Lithuania and abroad. And finally, the topic can be viewed in the context of dual citizens by the rule of exception. In order to find an answer to the main objective of this research, study employs an eclectic methodological approach, comprising comparative qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis. Given results demonstrated that there is no overall tendency in the development of this field, however main topics can be recognised in each context. Such as emigration, the role of Lithuanian Diaspora and its contribution to economic, cultural, social life in Lithuania, the emotion and identity in expression of the relationship between the individual and the sending state. Furthermore, the rights and duties of dual nationals, the status question of repatriates, restoration of rights on real-estate issue, possible threat to national security and the importance of human rights in national citizenship policy. Also, the precedent of shadow policy has been touched in respect to acquisition of citizenship by the rule of exception and peculiarity of deserts. All in all, highlights of public discourse on dual citizenship as a consequence of legal path development can be taken as an indicator to recognise ethnic citizenship regime in Lithuania.

This article explores the Lithuanian public discourse in the mass media by addressing the problem of exclusion and inclusion of the Polish national minority in the Lithuanian political community and in the Lithuanian collective identity. On March 17, 2011, the Lithuanian Parliament passed Amendments to the Education Act that diminished to some extent the rights of national minorities in education. The Polish national minority, the largest such in Lithuania, reacted very strongly and negatively and organized public protests. These actions were accompanied by the involvement of highest–rank Polish and Lithuanian politicians and huge public debates in the mass media. The public sphere and public debates are key factors in the process of political community formation (Jürgen Habermas), national collective memory and identity (Thomas Risse, Bo Sträth), and inclusion or exclusion of the "Other." The most evident tendency is that Lithuanian public discourse and mass media still suffer from an unability to view Lithuania's Poles as equal members of the same political community. The general athmosphere of the public debates is penetrated by mutual distrust on both (the Lithuanian and the Polish) sides; and this can be explained by an ambivalent historical relationship (Polish cultural and political domination over Lithuania and the Vilnius occupation by Poland from 1920 to 1939), although such historical memory is not loudly and widely expressed in the mass media. The result is that the Polish national minority is still the alien "Other" for the Lithuanian mass media. Local Polish needs are still unknown and unrecognized as legitimate claims of "our citizens." Public opinion in the mass media is still dominated by a conviction that the main problem lies in the bad actions of politicians who are trying to mobilize their electorate by exploiting the minority issue.[.]

This article explores the Lithuanian public discourse in the mass media by addressing the problem of exclusion and inclusion of the Polish national minority in the Lithuanian political community and in the Lithuanian collective identity. On March 17, 2011, the Lithuanian Parliament passed Amendments to the Education Act that diminished to some extent the rights of national minorities in education. The Polish national minority, the largest such in Lithuania, reacted very strongly and negatively and organized public protests. These actions were accompanied by the involvement of highest–rank Polish and Lithuanian politicians and huge public debates in the mass media. The public sphere and public debates are key factors in the process of political community formation (Jürgen Habermas), national collective memory and identity (Thomas Risse, Bo Sträth), and inclusion or exclusion of the "Other." The most evident tendency is that Lithuanian public discourse and mass media still suffer from an unability to view Lithuania's Poles as equal members of the same political community. The general athmosphere of the public debates is penetrated by mutual distrust on both (the Lithuanian and the Polish) sides; and this can be explained by an ambivalent historical relationship (Polish cultural and political domination over Lithuania and the Vilnius occupation by Poland from 1920 to 1939), although such historical memory is not loudly and widely expressed in the mass media. The result is that the Polish national minority is still the alien "Other" for the Lithuanian mass media. Local Polish needs are still unknown and unrecognized as legitimate claims of "our citizens." Public opinion in the mass media is still dominated by a conviction that the main problem lies in the bad actions of politicians who are trying to mobilize their electorate by exploiting the minority issue.[.]

This article explores the Lithuanian public discourse in the mass media by addressing the problem of exclusion and inclusion of the Polish national minority in the Lithuanian political community and in the Lithuanian collective identity. On March 17, 2011, the Lithuanian Parliament passed Amendments to the Education Act that diminished to some extent the rights of national minorities in education. The Polish national minority, the largest such in Lithuania, reacted very strongly and negatively and organized public protests. These actions were accompanied by the involvement of highest–rank Polish and Lithuanian politicians and huge public debates in the mass media. The public sphere and public debates are key factors in the process of political community formation (Jürgen Habermas), national collective memory and identity (Thomas Risse, Bo Sträth), and inclusion or exclusion of the "Other." The most evident tendency is that Lithuanian public discourse and mass media still suffer from an unability to view Lithuania's Poles as equal members of the same political community. The general athmosphere of the public debates is penetrated by mutual distrust on both (the Lithuanian and the Polish) sides; and this can be explained by an ambivalent historical relationship (Polish cultural and political domination over Lithuania and the Vilnius occupation by Poland from 1920 to 1939), although such historical memory is not loudly and widely expressed in the mass media. The result is that the Polish national minority is still the alien "Other" for the Lithuanian mass media. Local Polish needs are still unknown and unrecognized as legitimate claims of "our citizens." Public opinion in the mass media is still dominated by a conviction that the main problem lies in the bad actions of politicians who are trying to mobilize their electorate by exploiting the minority issue.[.]

Crimininology metaphors in Lithuanian public discourse during the Soviet period (1975–1989) and in recent years (2001–2015) were analysed and compared. The purpose of this research was to highlight changes in the level of conceptualization and metaphorical expressions and to identify changes in the concepts of crime, criminal and criminality in linguistic culture. It was found that two models of methaphors made up of two minor metaphors were used for criminal during those periods: A CRIMINAL IS NOT A HUMAN BEING (a criminal is an animal (beast, wolf, reptile) – a criminal is a creature (degenerate, creep, devil, freak, monster) and A CRIMINAL IS A CERTAIN PROFESSION (killer / butcher / hunter / fisher). Analysing criminology metaphors used in recent years the monster metaphor was identified, the levels of metaphorisation were compared and two metaphorical parallels a criminal is a hunter and a criminal is a fisher were identified. TO COMMIT A CRIME was metaphorized TO SATISFY PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS (a criminal is preying on his victim) or TO FULFIL DUTY (punish, persecute,,chase, fish). The last two metaphors were characteristic of current discourse. CRIME was structured as AN OBJECT (hard object) and as A NATURAL DISASTER (earthquake). The conceptual metaphor criminality is a disease appeared only lately because crime issues were avoided in the Soviet period. Thus, the comparison of conceptual crimonology metaphors in public discourse during two ideologically and politically different periods revealed that metaphorical expressions and the level of conceptualization changed insignificantly An explanantion of that is not a Soviet tradition but a negative attitude of society towards a criminal and a crime which does not change.

Crimininology metaphors in Lithuanian public discourse during the Soviet period (1975–1989) and in recent years (2001–2015) were analysed and compared. The purpose of this research was to highlight changes in the level of conceptualization and metaphorical expressions and to identify changes in the concepts of crime, criminal and criminality in linguistic culture. It was found that two models of methaphors made up of two minor metaphors were used for criminal during those periods: A CRIMINAL IS NOT A HUMAN BEING (a criminal is an animal (beast, wolf, reptile) – a criminal is a creature (degenerate, creep, devil, freak, monster) and A CRIMINAL IS A CERTAIN PROFESSION (killer / butcher / hunter / fisher). Analysing criminology metaphors used in recent years the monster metaphor was identified, the levels of metaphorisation were compared and two metaphorical parallels a criminal is a hunter and a criminal is a fisher were identified. TO COMMIT A CRIME was metaphorized TO SATISFY PHYSIOLOGICAL NEEDS (a criminal is preying on his victim) or TO FULFIL DUTY (punish, persecute,,chase, fish). The last two metaphors were characteristic of current discourse. CRIME was structured as AN OBJECT (hard object) and as A NATURAL DISASTER (earthquake). The conceptual metaphor criminality is a disease appeared only lately because crime issues were avoided in the Soviet period. Thus, the comparison of conceptual crimonology metaphors in public discourse during two ideologically and politically different periods revealed that metaphorical expressions and the level of conceptualization changed insignificantly An explanantion of that is not a Soviet tradition but a negative attitude of society towards a criminal and a crime which does not change.

Vytautas Kavolis noticed that an analysis of the attitude towards women is important not only to reveal specific aspects of social life but also to distil out the general sociocultural and sociopolitical tendencies of a period. Lithuanian historiography that examines the formation of the modern society in the mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania is especially focused on the discussion of the awakening of consciousness and activity of the various social groups. But the construction of the consciousness of women and the conception of their social role in public discourse has hitherto not been investigated. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the construction of the social role of women in public discourse in mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania. The main objectives are to ascertain: from when did women begin to be seen as an important participant in the social processes in the public discourse in Lithuania; what social role was constructed for Lithuanian women by the participants in the different discourses; whether the construction of the social role of women was affected by the structure of the contemporary society and the changes to this structure; how much and how the construction of the social role of women was affected by the spread in Lithuania of the ideas of positivism, nationalism, liberalism, socialism, and Christian democracy. The investigation begins in the mid-19th century, the 1840s. At that time women became an important and popular subject of public debate for the first time in the history of modernising Lithuania. The investigation ends in the early 20th century during the period of the creation of the modern Lithuanian state and the elevation of awareness of the importance of the modern conception of the social role of women. Such research is useful for providing detailed information about the spread of modern ideas in Lithuania and to illuminate the development and problems of the formation of the modern society in Lithuania.

Vytautas Kavolis noticed that an analysis of the attitude towards women is important not only to reveal specific aspects of social life but also to distil out the general sociocultural and sociopolitical tendencies of a period. Lithuanian historiography that examines the formation of the modern society in the mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania is especially focused on the discussion of the awakening of consciousness and activity of the various social groups. But the construction of the consciousness of women and the conception of their social role in public discourse has hitherto not been investigated. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the construction of the social role of women in public discourse in mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania. The main objectives are to ascertain: from when did women begin to be seen as an important participant in the social processes in the public discourse in Lithuania; what social role was constructed for Lithuanian women by the participants in the different discourses; whether the construction of the social role of women was affected by the structure of the contemporary society and the changes to this structure; how much and how the construction of the social role of women was affected by the spread in Lithuania of the ideas of positivism, nationalism, liberalism, socialism, and Christian democracy. The investigation begins in the mid-19th century, the 1840s. At that time women became an important and popular subject of public debate for the first time in the history of modernising Lithuania. The investigation ends in the early 20th century during the period of the creation of the modern Lithuanian state and the elevation of awareness of the importance of the modern conception of the social role of women. Such research is useful for providing detailed information about the spread of modern ideas in Lithuania and to illuminate the development and problems of the formation of the modern society in Lithuania.

Vytautas Kavolis noticed that an analysis of the attitude towards women is important not only to reveal specific aspects of social life but also to distil out the general sociocultural and sociopolitical tendencies of a period. Lithuanian historiography that examines the formation of the modern society in the mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania is especially focused on the discussion of the awakening of consciousness and activity of the various social groups. But the construction of the consciousness of women and the conception of their social role in public discourse has hitherto not been investigated. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the construction of the social role of women in public discourse in mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania. The main objectives are to ascertain: from when did women begin to be seen as an important participant in the social processes in the public discourse in Lithuania; what social role was constructed for Lithuanian women by the participants in the different discourses; whether the construction of the social role of women was affected by the structure of the contemporary society and the changes to this structure; how much and how the construction of the social role of women was affected by the spread in Lithuania of the ideas of positivism, nationalism, liberalism, socialism, and Christian democracy. The investigation begins in the mid-19th century, the 1840s. At that time women became an important and popular subject of public debate for the first time in the history of modernising Lithuania. The investigation ends in the early 20th century during the period of the creation of the modern Lithuanian state and the elevation of awareness of the importance of the modern conception of the social role of women. Such research is useful for providing detailed information about the spread of modern ideas in Lithuania and to illuminate the development and problems of the formation of the modern society in Lithuania.

Vytautas Kavolis noticed that an analysis of the attitude towards women is important not only to reveal specific aspects of social life but also to distil out the general sociocultural and sociopolitical tendencies of a period. Lithuanian historiography that examines the formation of the modern society in the mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania is especially focused on the discussion of the awakening of consciousness and activity of the various social groups. But the construction of the consciousness of women and the conception of their social role in public discourse has hitherto not been investigated. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the construction of the social role of women in public discourse in mid-19th – early 20th-century Lithuania. The main objectives are to ascertain: from when did women begin to be seen as an important participant in the social processes in the public discourse in Lithuania; what social role was constructed for Lithuanian women by the participants in the different discourses; whether the construction of the social role of women was affected by the structure of the contemporary society and the changes to this structure; how much and how the construction of the social role of women was affected by the spread in Lithuania of the ideas of positivism, nationalism, liberalism, socialism, and Christian democracy. The investigation begins in the mid-19th century, the 1840s. At that time women became an important and popular subject of public debate for the first time in the history of modernising Lithuania. The investigation ends in the early 20th century during the period of the creation of the modern Lithuanian state and the elevation of awareness of the importance of the modern conception of the social role of women. Such research is useful for providing detailed information about the spread of modern ideas in Lithuania and to illuminate the development and problems of the formation of the modern society in Lithuania.

In this article, the author examines public discourse in Lithuania (of the beginning of twentyfirst century) concerning esoteric, occult, magic, paranormal, psychic phenomena and practices, in the context of formulation some regulatory legislations on their functioning in media. In this examination several categories of opposing these practices and phenomena attitudes have been identified. And finally, have been provided categorization of this type of movements and phenomena in Lithuania in accordance to definitions of esotericism, occultism, and magic, proposed by contemporary researchers in this field of scientific researches.

In this article, the author examines public discourse in Lithuania (of the beginning of twentyfirst century) concerning esoteric, occult, magic, paranormal, psychic phenomena and practices, in the context of formulation some regulatory legislations on their functioning in media. In this examination several categories of opposing these practices and phenomena attitudes have been identified. And finally, have been provided categorization of this type of movements and phenomena in Lithuania in accordance to definitions of esotericism, occultism, and magic, proposed by contemporary researchers in this field of scientific researches.

In this article, the author examines public discourse in Lithuania (of the beginning of twentyfirst century) concerning esoteric, occult, magic, paranormal, psychic phenomena and practices, in the context of formulation some regulatory legislations on their functioning in media. In this examination several categories of opposing these practices and phenomena attitudes have been identified. And finally, have been provided categorization of this type of movements and phenomena in Lithuania in accordance to definitions of esotericism, occultism, and magic, proposed by contemporary researchers in this field of scientific researches.