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Kasiak Mateusz, Gender in educational and public discourse of the Church. Analysis of the Pastoral Letter on the Sunday of the Holy Family. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 289–312, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.19. Gender as a category of cultural gender and gender identity appears not only in scientific discourse as a topic of research, but also in public discourse, as a subject of various debates and disputes. This concept was also included into the discourse of the Catholic Church. Its creators – church leaders – embarked upon a public reinterpretation of the concept of gender, thus inserting their point of view into the broader political and ideological dispute. The aim of this paper is to review the postulates of the church concerning gender in the Pastoral Letter on the Feast of the Holy Family, which seems to be a leading programme paper concerning this issue. In this paper, gender as a research and scientific category is isolated from the scientific discourse and appropriatedby the educational discourse of the church, where it functions as a scare tactic. Structural modifications in the text and style of the letter, stylistic and rhetorical tricks, as well as pragmatic mechanisms, make the text of the pastoral letter a persuasive political argument. ; Kasiak Mateusz, Gender in educational and public discourse of the Church. Analysis of the Pastoral Letter on the Sunday of the Holy Family. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 289–312, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.19. Gender as a category of cultural gender and gender identity appears not only in scientific discourse as a topic of research, but also in public discourse, as a subject of various debates and disputes. This concept was also included into the discourse of the Catholic Church. Its creators – church leaders – embarked upon a public reinterpretation of the concept of gender, thus inserting their point of view into the broader political and ideological dispute. The aim of this paper is to review the postulates of the church concerning gender in the Pastoral Letter on the Feast of the Holy Family, which seems to be a leading programme paper concerning this issue. In this paper, gender as a research and scientific category is isolated from the scientific discourse and appropriatedby the educational discourse of the church, where it functions as a scare tactic. Structural modifications in the text and style of the letter, stylistic and rhetorical tricks, as well as pragmatic mechanisms, make the text of the pastoral letter a persuasive political argument.

The paper is composed of two parts. The first, theoretical part outlines the definitions of convergence and tabloidization. Then, four hypotheses are proposed and developed concerning the mutual relations of these two phenomena. The second part of the paper is devoted to a case analysis of the activity of Tomasz Lis, carried out on the grounds of these four hypotheses. The case study describes how the journalist is affected by tabloidization, while simultaneously using it in his work. The analysis is concluded with the considerations on the activity of Tomasz Lis in the context of media convergence. The paper ends with conclusions on the potential of developing further research in the field of the mutual relations of the phenomena discussed. ; The paper is composed of two parts. The first, theoretical part outlines the definitions of convergence and tabloidization. Then, four hypotheses are proposed and developed concerning the mutual relations of these two phenomena. The second part of the paper is devoted to a case analysis of the activity of Tomasz Lis, carried out on the grounds of these four hypotheses. The case study describes how the journalist is affected by tabloidization, while simultaneously using it in his work. The analysis is concluded with the considerations on the activity of Tomasz Lis in the context of media convergence. The paper ends with conclusions on the potential of developing further research in the field of the mutual relations of the phenomena discussed.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the Polish media discourse on the problem of paedophilia cases and paedophilic acts among the clergy in the years 2013-2019. A particular emphasis in the analysis was placed on the events and components of the process known in social sciences as the moral panic. The study used the method of critical analysis of media discourse (the analysis covered portals known as right-wing, left-wing and liberal) along with the analysis of the existing data. The results of the study show that in Polish society there is a discursive overcoming of the topic of paedophilia and openness to the debate around ways to solve the problem, also on the side of church institutions. Over the past six years, there has been a significant transformation of public discourse on the subject of paedophilia cases of the clergy and postulated ways of solving the problem. The study observed the impact of the symbolic elites - politicians, journalists, members of organizations and people of culture on progressive changes at the level of perception of the phenomenon. During the analysis there was also noticed the process of creating a new enemy in the form of a sexual minority environment and the sexualization of children, which, in the opinion of the examined environments, is expected to increase the scale of paedophilia.

The aim ot the article is to analyze the barriers that hinder the development of active civic attitudes in Poland. The author reflects on three areas, corresponding to her research hypotheses. The first area concerns trust, which has remained at similarly low levels in Poland for years. The author argues that behavior and attitudes implied by a higher level of trust can successfully regulate cooperation among people, which may replace legal provisions in many fields.The second barrier is an area of religiousness, specific to Poland, which catalyzes citizens' activity. The third area of analysis pertains to the quality of political discourse in Poland, which becomes more and more suffused with agression with the aim of attracting attention of potential constituents rather than substantive discussion.

The paper attempts at presenting diversity in discourse research and defining educational discourse in its new cognitive-procesual aspect. The analysis is concentrated on formalized educational discourse undergoing ideological influences through mass, public and government supervised education. For the detailed discussion multiperspective method including critical and rhetorical analysis has been proposed acknowledging the separateness of makro and discursive strategies together with their topoi in the common ideological – cognitive mean.

The article is an analysis of 91 speeches given in the years 2010–2018 by Jarosław Kaczyński, during the so-called monthly speeches or mensiversaries, commemorating the Polish plane crash in Smolensk on 10 April 2010. The basis of the analysis is the transcription of these speeches from the published television video. The quantitative and qualitative analysis was carried out using two computer programs (STADT and AntConc). The authors focus on the formal features of these speeches, on the main threads appearing in them, and on the functions that these speeches fulfilled in the process of acquiring and consolidating power by a political group headed by the main actor of these public performances. ; Artykuł jest analizą 91 przemówień wygłaszanych w latach 2010–2018 przez Jarosława Kaczyńskiego podczas tzw. miesięcznic upamiętniających katastrofę polskiego samolotu w Smoleńsku 10 kwietnia 2010 R. Podstawą analizy jest transkrypcja tych mów na podstawie opublikowanego telewizyjnego zapis video. Analiza ilościowa i jakościowa została przeprowadzona za pomocą dwóch programów komputerowych (STADT i AntConc). Autorzy koncentrują się na cechach formalnych tych mów, na głównych wątkach w nich występujących oraz na funkcjach, jakie przemówienia te spełniały w procesie zdobywania i utrwalania władzy przez ugrupowanie polityczne kierowane przez głównego aktora tych publicznych spektakli.

After more than 25 years since the beginning of the transformation it is worth considering the present socio-political cleavages in Polish society. The text will present the results of a research on framing analysis of the Round Table and transformation in the Polish weekly opinion magazines. Their journalists, despite changes in the media working formula, can still be regarded as the representatives of symbolic elite. They organize political discourse by defining "correct" ways of perceiving and interpreting reality. Under the broken reciprocity of perspectives the dynamics of discourse is affected by disputes which could be considered as "controversies," which can be understood, followed by Marek Czyżewski, as regarding both the communication and the metacommunication level (definition of the problem, assigning acting motives to the other side of the dispute). The dispute subjects are community symbolism and values on which the argumentation strategies adopted in the weeklies magazines are concentrated. Using the concepts of Jeffrey Alexander, it can be said that the parties involved in the discourse assign democratic code to themselves and undemocratic one to their adversaries. The objective of the article is to identify and describe framing and re-framing practices of the Round Table as initial event of Polish transformation. There are also presented some remarks concerning the problem of interpretive communities in the public debate. ; Po ponad 25 latach od początku transformacji warto zastanowić się nad obecnymi podziałami socjopolitycznymi w polskim społeczeństwie. W tekście zaprezentowane zostaną wyniki badań dotyczące praktyk ramowania w przypadku Okrągłego Stołu i transformacji w polskich tygodnikach opinii. Ich dziennikarze, mimo zmiany formuły działania mediów, wciąż mogą być traktowani jako reprezentanci elit symbolicznych. Organizują oni dyskurs polityczny, definiując "prawidłowe" sposoby postrzegania i interpretowania rzeczywistości. W warunkach zerwanej przekładalności perspektyw na dynamikę dyskursu wpływają spory, które można uznać za kontrowersje, rozumiane za Markiem Czyżewskim jako dotyczące zarówno poziomu komunikacyjnego, jak i metakomunikacyjnego (definicja problemu, przypisywanie motywów działania drugiej stronie sporu). Przedmiotem toczonych sporów stają się wspólnotowa symbolika i wartości, na których skoncentrowane są strategie argumentacyjne przyjmowane w tygodnikach. Używając pojęć Jeffreya Alexandra, strony zaangażowane w dyskurs przypisują sobie kod demokratyczny, a swym adwersarzom niedemokratyczny. Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja i opis praktyk ramowania i przeramowania Okrągłego Stołu jako wydarzenia inicjującego zmiany transformacyjne. W tekście znajdują się również uwagi dotyczące wspólnot interpretacyjnych w debacie publicznej.

The article discusses the attitude of Poles towards the political transformation in 1989, based on opinion poll surveys, mainly those carried
out by the Centre for Public Opinion Research (CBOS) over the last 25 years
and focusing on those from 2014–2019. The author presents the conditions in which the opinions about the political transformation were shaped, as well as the factors that influenced this process. Next, she analyzes factors impacting the Polish society's attitude towards the transformation. The article refers to the public discourse about the past, including the education and media coverage.

The main purpose of the research was to analyze selected elements of the German discourse on historical narratives present in public space and to determine the implications for Poland thereof. German- and Polish-language monographs and studies related to the issues of historical narratives and Polish-German relations were used and the content of selected German press materials was analyzed. The author used the method of analyzing history discourse, and the source analysis of selected German-language documents was made. The autor defined the concept of historical narratives and analyzed terminology used in German historical discourse. The author pointed out the role of The Federation of Expellees (BdV) and political organizations in public discourse. The role of anniversaries and historical of the World War II in German cinema were identified. Such analysis was the basis for describing importance of this proces for Poland. The main reference point in German narratives about World War II that are present in public space is the memory of the Holocaust. At the same time, the process of consistent promotion of the memory of German victims of war continues in Germany, taking place simultaneously on many levels. In parallel, the memory of the crimes committed during World War II by the Nazi regime on Poles is in the background, which is still a serious gap in German narratives of that period and also requires the Polish side to take further action to change this situation. Germany's important instrument for promoting a positive narrative about the latest history of Germany is promoting the memory of the fall of the Berlin Wall and therefore further strengthening the image of Germany on the international stage.

From a publisher's website: The media is changing because the world is changing. It is not clear whether this dependency is working the other way. The relationship between the changing media and the changing world is devoted to most of the texts that make up the new volume of the year's Wroclaw mediates. At the center of the media are the media of the changing civilizations of the media systems of Europe and America. Authors who are both recognized researchers and newcomers try to answer questions about journalism, media professions, image communication, branding, public relations in multinational inquiries. The value of the texts is primarily an ambitious attempt to keep up with the current problems of media studies, combined with broader reflection on foreign media systems and Polish public discourse. Reading for media people, journalists and students of journalism, cultural scientists, political scientists and sociologists

The image of Poland and Poles in Germany emerging from the analysis of public opinion polls and press publications remains ambiguous - it is characterized by complexity and a lack of internal consistency. Positive aspects of the image of Poland and Poles are present to a greater extent in the German press than in the results of public opinion polls. The results of the polls also show a greater inconsistency in the image of Poland and Poles in Germany than press narratives. Two elements of Poland's image are particularly noteworthy in the German press: as an important European actor and as a country with a dynamically developing economy. From the Polish point of view, these two elements should constitute an important "anchor", a kind of starting point organizing the discussion about Poland in the German media. burdened with stereotypes. This is mainly due to the relatively poor knowledge of Germany's eastern neighbor. Poles living in Germany are not of special interest to either the German media or the public. They are also not present in the public discourse themselves. Locally, there was also a lot of interest in the issue of emigration to border areas - especially Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.

Postfoucauldian discourse analysis is a vigorously developing approach to discourse studies focusing on the analysis of power, discourse, knowledge and social practice. This comprises studies deriving from Michel Foucault's thought, reinterpreting it, however, with the aim at application to an analysis of empirical data, also from the field of pedagogy and education. The purpose of this paper is to present main concepts and categories of postfoucauldian discourse analysis (e.g. enunciation, discursive formation, discursive practice, procedures for the control of discourse, dispositive, regime of truth) and guidelines for conducting research on the example of an analysis of chosen public texts concerning the debate on liquidation of middle schools in Poland as a result of the reform of education carried out by Law and Justice' government.

Book review: Włodzimierz Anioł (2020): The Third Republic in three stories: around Polish transformations in 1989-2019. The review discusses the content of the book, in particular the setting of the subject matter in the context of the debates over the course of the political transformation that have been going on for years.

Unia Wolności, mimo swojej wieloletniej nieobecności na scenie politycznej, nadal wykorzystywana bywa jako dyskursywna figura służąca polaryzacji debaty publicznej i polityki partyjnej oraz dyskredytowaniu oponentów politycznych. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest ukazanie genealogii oraz analiza specyficznych treści budujących strategię delegitymizacji przy użyciu figury Unii Wolności. Zadanie to realizowane będzie poprzez analizę szczegółowych strategii budowania wizerunku środowiska UW i jej poprzedniczek: Ruchu Obywatelskiego Akcji Demokratycznej oraz Unii Demokratycznej podejmowanych przez ugrupowania prawicowe. ; Despite its long absence from the political scene Freedom Union is still used as a discursive figure constructed to polarize the public debate and party policy and discredit political opponents. The purpose of this paper is to show the genealogy and provide the analysis of the specific strategies of delegitimization using the figure of Freedom Union. These tasks will be achieved through the analysis of specific right wing strategies of building the image of Freedom Union the environment UW and its predecessors: Civic Movement Democratic Action and the Democratic Union.

Unia Wolności, mimo swojej wieloletniej nieobecności na scenie politycznej, nadal wykorzystywana bywa jako dyskursywna figura służąca polaryzacji debaty publicznej i polityki partyjnej oraz dyskredytowaniu oponentów politycznych. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest ukazanie genealogii oraz analiza specyficznych treści budujących strategię delegitymizacji przy użyciu figury Unii Wolności. Zadanie to realizowane będzie poprzez analizę szczegółowych strategii budowania wizerunku środowiska UW i jej poprzedniczek: Ruchu Obywatelskiego Akcji Demokratycznej oraz Unii Demokratycznej podejmowanych przez ugrupowania prawicowe. ; Despite its long absence from the political scene Freedom Union is still used as a discursive figure constructed to polarize the public debate and party policy and discredit political opponents. The purpose of this paper is to show the genealogy and provide the analysis of the specific strategies of delegitimization using the figure of Freedom Union. These tasks will be achieved through the analysis of specific right wing strategies of building the image of Freedom Union the environment UW and its predecessors: Civic Movement Democratic Action and the Democratic Union.