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"Reprinted . February 1947." ; Introduction.--Approaches to the world outside.--Stereotypes.--Interests.--The making of a common will.--The image of democracy.--Newspapers.--Organized intelligence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Introduction.--Approaches to the world outside.--Stereotypes.--Interests.--The making of a common will.--The image of democracy.--Newspapers.--Organized intelligence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Introduction -- Approaches to the world outside -- Stereotypes -- Interests -- The making of a common will -- The image of democracy -- Newspapers -- Organized intelligence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Introduction.--Approaches to the world outside.--Stereotypes.--Interests.--The making of a common will.--The image of democracy.--Newspapers.--Organized intelligence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This work try to show the history of public opinion in five stages ranging from its presentation in the XVIII with the Enlightenment to its new configuration with our social media, through the institution of public opinion in the liberal press of the nineteenth century, the issues of manipulation of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and its status as a place of democracy in the second half of the twentieth. ; Se recorre la historia de la noción de opinión pública en cinco etapas que van desde su presentación en el XVIII con la Ilustración a los nuevos modos de los social media, pasando por la institución de la opinión pública en la prensa liberal del XIX, las cuestiones de la manipulación de finales del XIX y principios del XX y su condición de lugar de la democracia en la segunda mitad del XX.

"Seven out of the fourteen chapters have appeared in the Fortnightly review of London during the past year; five in the Century magazine of New York, and the last two are here presented for the first time."--Pref. ; The land of the optimist.--Public sentiment.--President wilson's problems.--Public opinion and the tariff.--The overtaxed melting-pot.--The American people and their diplomats.--America in the Far East.--The United States and Russia.--Japan and the United States.--Food an international asset.--America and the Balkans.--Mexico and the United States.--The Monroe doctrine.--American foreign relations. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Seven out of the fourteen chapters have appeared in the Fortnightly review of London during the past year; five in the Century magazine of New York, and the last two are here presented for the first time."--Pref. ; The land of the optimist.--Public sentiment.--President Wilson's problems.--Public opinion and the tariff.--The overtaxed melting-pot.--The American people and their diplomats.--America in the Far East.--The United States and Russia.--Japan and the United States.--Food an international asset.--America and the Balkans.--Mexico and the United States.--The Monroe doctrine.--American foreign relations. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Polling politics, media and election campagins. Literatuursignalering van een artikel uit Public Opinion Quarterly 69/5 en van een artikel uit Applied Linguistics 26/4

"Chi omega. Service fund studies."--3d prelim. leaf. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Mapping and understanding what shapes public attitudes are particularly critical at a time when immigration is often perceived as one of the most important political issues facing countries around the world, with significant implications for election outcomes and migration policies. This Data Bulletin explores data on public opinion on migration. Such data can serve as a useful indicator of how open receiving societies are towards immigration and ethnic diversity. Meanwhile, the availability and accuracy of data related to migration, and how migration data are presented in the media can affect public opinion.

L'apparition du terme d'opinion publique au xviii° siècle ouvre une réflexion conjointement menée sur la question de la démocratie puis des médias. Cet article qui rappelle les grandes étapes du processus, analyse également les dérives auxquelles conduit cette pensée, notamment son confinement dans la question des sondages et de leur place dans nos sociétés. ; The emergence of the idea of public opinion in the 18th century opened up joint debates, about democracy first and then on the media. This article traces the main phases in the process and also analyses the avenues into which the topic has been deflected, especially its confinement to the issue of opinion polls and the place they occupy in our societies.

This report provides a sample of public opinion questions concerning the current tax system, the Internal Revenue Service, and proposals for tax reform. It will be updated as new poll results become available. The report is for the use of Members as they consider legislation currently before the 105 Congress.

When the Supreme Court first entered the political thicket with the "one person, one vote" cases of the 1960s, contemporaneous polls showed the Court to be on the right side of public opinion. In 1966, 76% of Americans called the Supreme Court decision "rul[ing] all Congressional Districts had to have an equal number of people in them so each person's vote would count equally" "right" (Louis Harris and Associates Poll, The Roper Center for Public Opinion Research). Few, if any, innovations from the Warren Court years met with such deep approval by the public or have had comparable staying power. Indeed, majorities continue to support redistricting based on population equality (see Ansolabehere and Persily 2009). Beyond the easy-to-grasp concept of "one person, one vote," however, the public has little knowledge or opinion concerning the redistricting process. Polling on redistricting has been done sporadically and locally. As a consequence, only a few published articles attempt to describe or account for public attitudes concerning the complicated and low salience modern controversies surrounding redistricting on such issues as partisan or incumbent-protecting gerrymandering. This article analyzes survey data with the hope of gauging where Americans stand on various controversies surrounding the redistricting process. Part I briefly presents the public opinion surveys utilized and the questions most central to the analysis. Part II begins by examining the extent to which the public is uninformed and lacks opinions about redistricting. In short, Americans exhibit both characteristics"must have neither heard much about the debate nor have opinions about it. Part III analyzes the structure of public opinion where it does exist. We begin by considering the impact of demographics on public opinion. Breaking up our discussion into subsections on fairness, satisfaction, and institutional actors, we then analyze variables related to partisanship and incumbency protection. We analyze, for instance, whether respondents feel differently about the process if their party controls their state's government than if they identify with the party out of power. We look at whether, in states with divided government, respondents are any more likely to view the results redistricting outcome as fair or satisfactory than in unified governments. And we distinguish between states with maps that are biased in one party's favor and those that are not. Overall, we find that respondents hold rational opinions. Winners are happier than losers, and voters generally desire a fair process achieved through methods muting the potential influence of partisanship in the line-drawing process. Part III concludes by briefly illustrating the strong relationship that opinions on redistricting have with opinions about politicians more generally.

This dissertation considers the relationship between the opinions voters have on issues and the positions politicians take on them. The first chapter makes a methodological intervention into existing literature, showing that to understand these relationships we must examine one issue at a time, not boil down the preferences of voters and politicians to summaries of their ideologies. It then considers some implications of this distinction. The second chapter elaborates one of these implications, the implications of polarization for representation. This chapter argues for a different set of implications than is typically drawn. The final chapter then adopts this approach to bring a new perspective to a neglected question: how do politicians see their constituents? By investigating this question in individual issues, the final chapter illustrates the utility of the approach and raises new questions for scholars to consider.

First, this paper presents the latest trends in Palestinian public opinion, and analyzes this opinion toward the current government in the West Bank. Secondly, it examines the effect of polarization on Palestinian public opinion. Finally, it deals with the Palestinian public opinion regarding the future of the Palestinian cause.