Suchergebnisse

Are public relations (PR) professionals involved in the decision-making processes concerning corporate citizenship (CC) or are they only asked to report the organizations' best practices? Are organizations committed to corporate social responsibility (CSR) or corporate citizenship? In the framework of a pragmatist paradigm, a sequential explanatory mixed methods approach was developed. This method is a two-phase design that is characterized by an initial quantitative phase of data collection and analysis, followed by a qualitative phase of data collection and analysis. An invitation to answer an online survey was sent to all 158 organizations that belonged to an association for the promotion of CSR in Portugal (Grace), in October 2018. Afterwards, face-to-face interviews with the CSR/CC responsible were conducted to those organizations that answered the survey. The research showed that the social (philanthropic) area emerged as the most relevant one in all the organizations interviewed, even though the area seems to be under strong reformulations. Corporations tend to choose CSR as the main concept and dislike the concept of corporate citizenship, that is, the idea of being both a social and political actor. PR practitioners seem to have fewer responsibilities than those the researchers expected to find out, at least at a strategic level. ; Os profissionais de relações públicas (RP) são envolvidos nos processos de decisão sobre cidadania corporativa (CC) ou apenas são chamados a divulgar as práticas das organizações a este nível? As organizações estão comprometidas com a responsabilidade social corporativa (RSC) ou com a cidadania corporativa? No âmbito de um paradigma pragmatista, foi desenvolvida uma abordagem explicativa sequencial recorrendo a métodos mistos. Foi realizada uma investigação em duas fases, uma fase inicial quantitativa de recolha e análise de dados, e de seguida uma fase de recolha e análise de dados qualitativa. Em outubro de 2018, foram convidadas a responder a um inquérito online as 158 organizações que pertencem a uma associação portuguesa para a promoção da CC (Grace). Posteriormente, foram realizadas entrevistas presenciais com o responsável pela RSC/CC organizações que responderam ao questionário. O estudo aponta para que a área social (filantrópica) seja a mais relevante nas organizações entrevistadas e que esta área da RSC está sob fortes reformulações. No entanto, as organizações parecem não utilizar o conceito de cidadania corporativa. Ao contrário do esperado pelos investigadores, os profissionais de comunicação parecem não assumir responsabilidades a nível estratégico.

Este estudo tem por objeto demonstrar a ilegitimidade jurídica da interferência do Poder Judiciário na capacidade de tomada de decisão e execução de políticas públicas de combate à Covid-19 pela Administração Pública. A metodologia consiste na análise da doutrina jurídica e jurisprudencial relacionadas ao tema, utilizando-se os métodos bibliográfico e documental, com ênfase nas fontes de estudo do Direito Constitucional e Teoria Geral do Direito. Nessa senda, o problema a ser respondido é se o atual processo de aplicação do Direito pelo Poder Judiciário em relação às políticas públicas da Administração Pública de combate à Covid-19 pode ser considerado conflitante com o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Conclui-se, assim, que os danos causados pela troca de papéis constitucionais causam a paralisia do Estado e ferem, normativamente, os princípios constitucionais, quais sejam: o princípio republicano, do Estado Democrático de Direito, e da separação de poderes. ; This study aims to demonstrate the legal illegitimacy of the interference of the Judiciary in the capacity of decision-making and execution of public policies to combat Covid-19 by the Public Administration. The methodology consists of the analysis of legal and jurisprudential doctrine related to the theme, using bibliographic and documentary methods, with emphasis on the sources of study of Constitutional Law and General Theory of Law. In this sense, the problem to be answered is whether the current process of application of the Law by the Judiciary in relation to public policies of the Public Administration to combat Covid-19 can be considered in conflict with the Brazilian legal system. It is concluded, therefore, that the damage caused by the exchange of constitutional roles causes paralysis of the State and, normatively, violates the constitutional principles of the Republic, the Democratic State of Law and the separation of powers.

The agroecology does not yet provide tools and analysis criteria to develop local and regional strategies, where political and institutional aspects play a key role. This article aims to contribute to overcoming these deficiencies by the theoretical foundation of how it should be Agroecology involved in politics. Family farming is the subject. It is through her that already develops agroecology, getting a transition from the model of traditional agriculture, which provides food security for an alternative model. First, it is argued that, as a socio-ecological construction, agro-ecosystems is the product of power relations. Secondly, it shows the close relationship that the dynamics of agro-ecosystems have with politics and therefore the important role they occupy in agroecological transition. Currently you can see that there is very little reflection on the politics of Agroecology. However, the range of agroecological movements and experiences that are held at different levels of both local and regional governments advise the development of political aspects of agro-ecological theory. Finally, a diagnosis attempted under the situation of global food system, in which the context of agroecological experiments must be developed.

Most countries face chronic housing problems, which have produced countless social tensions and politico-economic opportunities. The housing question has had different characteristics, related to quantitative and qualitative issues or the urban and environmental surroundings of the housing. Between the on-going problems' mutations and the administration responses through public policies, complications emerge: difficulty to understand the issues and their importance, and lack of resources, resulting in a worsening in residential dissatisfaction, degradation of the affected areas and diminished capacity to attract residents and investment. To illustrate this, a spatialisation of housing dissatisfaction is presented for the municipalities of mainland Portugal, using recent statistical data. The variables used relate to the most common residential problems – overcrowding, degradation and lack of infrastructures – and also accessibility for people in wheelchairs and commuting time. The statistical processing allowed for an identification of six clusters illustrating different types of residential dissatisfaction. They feature an interesting spatial distribution, supporting the view that geographic specificities can explain housing dissatisfaction profiles. The results were correlated with the official instruments for mitigating residential dissatisfaction in order to verify their degree of coherence. While the true origins of the problem may not lie in the housing itself, or in the area's economic activity, but mostly in the income available to the families affected (retired/pensioners, minorities, unemployed people, precarious workers and other instances of social deprivation), the implications of the results obtained are evaluated for a social housing policy that is increasingly focusing on families, concrete types of dissatisfaction and territorial specificities.

Os lobistas são agentes políticos de grande importância, já que operam com o objetivo de influenciar a tomada de decisão de diferentes instituições. Visando melhorar o conhecimento sobre estes grupos de pressão, a presente investigação analisa a composição e o funcionamento dos 745 lóbis espanhóis que se encontram, até à data do estudo, inscritos no Registo de Transparência da União Europeia. Através de uma análise de conteúdo, procurou-se mostrar a relevância e a influência que estes grupos detêm sobre os decisores políticos do Parlamento Europeu. Os resultados mostraram que a categoria formada pelos grupos de pressão das empresas das associações comerciais, empresariais ou profissionais é a mais numerosa, assumindo 50,6% da amostra estudada. Em relação aos indivíduos que dirigem estes grupos, notou-se que são maioritariamente homens, numa proporção que corresponde ao dobro do número de mulheres que desempenham esta função. Por outro lado, observa-se que apenas 8,18% dos lóbis espanhóis dispõem de sede na Bélgica, em comparação com 91,81% que não estão domiciliados no lugar onde se encontra a principal sede administrativa da União Europeia. Tal indica que a atividade de lobbying dos grupos espanhóis ainda é reduzida. ; Lobbyists are political agents of great importance, since they operate with the objective of influencing the decision making of different institutions. In order to improve knowledge about these pressure groups, the present research analyses the composition and functioning of the 745 Spanish lobbies that are, until the date of the study, registered in the Transparency Register of the European Union. Through a content analysis, we tried to show the relevance and influence that these groups have on the European Parliament's political decision-makers. The results showed that the category formed by the pressure groups of the companies of the commercial, business or professional associations is the most numerous, assuming 50,6% of the studied sample. Regarding the individuals who run these groups, it was noted that they are mostly men, in a proportion that corresponds to twice the number of women who perform this function. On the other hand, it is observed that only 8,18% of Spanish lobbies have their headquarters in Belgium, compared to 91,81% who are not domiciled in the place where the main administrative headquarters of the European Union is located. This indicates that the lobbying activity of Spanish groups is still low.

This paper investigates the area of monitoring and evaluation of public policies from a conceptual approach and an interpretation of its institutional development in Brazil. Therefore, we build critical analyzes from the legal and sociopolitical perspectives. Specifically, we define and discuss the political functions of monitoring and evaluation, discuss the emergence and constitution of evaluation systems in Latin America and Brazil, and reflect on the importance of evaluation in the Brazilian legal system, as well as on recent advances in Legislative Power. As main conclusions, we understand that the political use of public policy evaluation works assumes a reallocation function, that there have been institutional advances in the area, but that there are still limitations in relation to the scope of evaluative works.

O turismo representa uma importante fonte de receita em muitos países. Cientes deste facto, os governos ibero-americanos procuram apostar na comunicação digital para se promoverem e para se posicionarem como destinos turísticos. O Twitter é uma das redes sociais mais influentes no âmbito comercial, devido à quantidade de conversações que produz em torno das marcas, acrescentando valor à sua imagem e influenciando as decisões de compra. Para além disso, também é uma ferramenta útil para recolher as opiniões dos utilizadores, pela facilidade de monitorização que fornece. Esta rede permite, ainda, que as organizações prestem uma atenção personalizada e imediata aos seus públicos, proporcionando-lhes experiências de contacto mais agradáveis. Este trabalho investiga a presença dos governos ibero-americanos no Twitter, bem como a sua interação com os turistas 2.0. Para tal, realizou-se uma análise comparativa entre os meses de março e agosto (incluindo épocas alta e baixa) de 2015 e 2018. Os resultados mostraram que os governos ibero-americanos utilizam o Twitter como plataforma de comunicação e de promoção turística, mas sem a presença de uma estratégia de comunicação que fortaleça a imagem e o posicionamento do destino turístico. Não é de estanhar, por isso, que se verifique a falta de planeamento da presença na rede, já que se alternam períodos de excessiva participação no Twitter com fases de abandono, o que incide nos índices de participação do turista e no envolvimento alcançado. ; Tourism represents an important source of income in many countries. Aware of this fact, Ibero-American governments seek to invest in digital communication to promote themselves and position themselves as tourist destinations. Twitter is one of the most influential social networks in the commercial sphere, due to the amount of conversations it produces around brands, adding value to its image and influencing purchasing decisions. In addition, it is also a useful tool for collecting user opinions, due to the monitoring facility it provides. This network also allows organizations to provide personalized and immediate attention to their audiences, providing them with more pleasant contact experiences. This paper investigates the presence of Ibero-American governments on Twitter, as well as their interaction with 2.0 tourists. To this end, a comparative analysis was carried out between the months of March and August (including high and low seasons) of 2015 and 2018. The results showed that Ibero-American governments use Twitter as a platform for communication and tourism promotion, but without the presence of a communication strategy that strengthens the image and positioning of the tourist destination. It is not surprising, therefore, that there is a lack of planning for presence on the network, since periods of excessive participation in Twitter alternate with phases of abandonment, which affects the participation rates of the tourist and the involvement achieved.

This work aims to reflect on the emergence of modernity, the consolidation of modern scientific thinking and its specifically undesirable political consequences. For that, I rely on the thought of Hannah Arendt. Arendt highlights three events as the main precursors of the modern era: the "discovery" of the continents, the Reformation, and the invention and use of the telescope. I briefly discuss the relation of these events to the alienation from the world, as understood by Arendt, and delve into the novelties of science. Here I mention Galileo and the Copernican revolution, the experimental and quantitative method, the role of instrument manufacturing in the production of knowledge, the evaluation criterion of practical success, and logical-mathematical reasoning as elements that begin to shape scientific activity. From there, I highlight the movement, as described by Arendt, of modern scientific thought to encompass the most diverse fields of daily life, especially in the public sphere. I conclude highlighting the way in which scientism - which has 'Homo Faber's' characteristics - undermines the possibility of action when it enters the political sphere. Because "to be free and to act are the same", it also prevents the manifestation of freedom. Moreover, I approach how scientism goes against human plurality, singularity and spontaneity. Totalitarian governments and consumer societies are extreme and real examples of what 'Homo Faber's' logic can do when it replaces the field of action. At the end, I highlight a great challenge that we need to face.

Este artigo tem como tema a comunicação oficial de crise da Presidência da República Portuguesa (PRP) durante os incêndios florestais que aconteceram nos meses de junho e de outubro de 2017, conhecidos, respetivamente, como "tragédia de Pedrógão Grande" e "incêndios de outubro". Os incêndios de 2017 foram os mais nefastos da história de Portugal e receberam uma grande cobertura dos média internacionais. Naquele ano, Portugal foi o país que mais sofreu com os fogos, de acordo com o relatório da União Europeia (2018), tendo sido responsável por, aproximadamente, 90% das mortes causadas por incêndios. O principal fundamento teórico do estudo é a teoria situacional de comunicação de crise (TSCC) (Coombs, 2007). Na TSCC, Coombs (2007) identificou as variáveis envolvidas numa crise e apresentou as estratégias de resposta mais adequadas a serem aplicadas a cada tipo de crise. Por meio do método da análise do discurso, descrevemos e comparamos a comunicação da Presidência da República Portuguesa na gestão dessas duas crises de origens semelhantes (incêndios florestais) separadas por apenas quatro meses (junho e outubro de 2017). A nossa intenção é contribuir para a compreensão das estratégias de resposta propostas por Coombs (2007) quando aplicadas a uma comunicação exclusivamente baseada no modelo de informação pública (Grunig & Hunt, 1984). A investigação concluiu que a PRP optou pela estratégia de gestão do significado (Coombs, 2015) com informações de ajuste e predominância das respostas reparativas primárias da categoria "reconstrução" e subcategoria "compensação", produzindo a resposta adequada segundo a TSCC (Coombs, 2007). No entanto, observamos que a comunicação de crise da PRP para os incêndios de 2017 é um caso em que as características pessoais do emissor e as variáveis – responsabilidade pela crise, histórico da crise e reputação relacional anterior – foram mais relevantes para a comunicação de crise do que as mensagens propriamente ditas. ; The theme of this article is the official crisis communication of the Portuguese Presidency (Presidência da República Portuguesa – PRP) during the forest fires that occurred in June and in October 2017, respectively known as the "tragedy of Pedrógão Grande" and the "October fires". The fires of 2017 were the most harmful in Portuguese history and received wide coverage in the international media. That year, Portugal was the country that most suffered with fires, according to an European Union report (2018), accounting for about 90% of deaths caused by this type of fire in the entire area covered by the report. The main theoretical basis of this study is situational crisis communication theory (SCCT) (Coombs, 2007). In SCCT, Coombs (2007) identified the variables involved in a crisis and presented the most appropriate response strategies to be applied to each crisis type. Through the discourse analysis method, we described and compared the Portuguese Presidency's communication on the management of these two crises of similar origins (forest fires), only four months apart (June and October 2017). Our aim is to contribute to an understanding of the response strategies proposed by Coombs (2007) when applied to communication exclusively based on the public information model (Grunig & Hunt, 1984). The research concluded that the PRP opted for the managing meaning strategy by adjusting information and predominance of the primary repair responses of the category "rebuild" and subcategory "compensation", producing an appropriate response according to SCCT (Coombs, 2007). However, we note that the PRP crisis communication for the 2017 fires is a case in which the personal characteristics of the sender and the variables – crisis responsibility, crisis history and prior relationship reputation – were more relevant to the effectiveness of crisis communication than the messages themselves.

It is well known that the growth of users on social networking sites has forced many institutions to consider the relevance of this communication channel. However, nothing is known about the use of social networking sites by the ACeS – Agrupamentos de Centros de Saúde, public services integrated in the Portuguese health service (Serviço Nacional de Saúde [SNS]), whose mission is to provide primary health care, the health's promotion and disease's prevention as well as the connection to other services for the continuity of healthcare. At the time of its creation, in 2008, the government recognized that primary health care is the central pillar of the health system. It is argued in this study that communication should be oriented towards fulfilling the mission of the institutions. In this way, it is intended to understand how the communication process by these SNS institutions, particularly those that use social networking sites, is contributing to the fulfilment of their organisational missions. The objectives of this study were to identify the ACeS that are present on Facebook and to analyze the communication that has been developed there. The corpus of analysis consisted of the universe of all the ACeS existing in Portugal. The sources of our data were all public publications on the ACeS Facebook pages in 2018. For the systematic analysis of the data (analysis of the manifest messages), it was used the method of content analysis both with a quantitative and qualitative nature. ; Sabe-se que o crescimento dos utilizadores das redes sociais obrigou muitas instituições a considerar a relevância deste canal de comunicação. Nada se sabe, contudo, sobre a utilização das redes sociais pelos ACeS – Agrupamentos de Centros de Saúde, serviços públicos integrados no Serviço Nacional de Saúde (SNS), que têm por missão a prestação de cuidados de saúde primários, a promoção da saúde e prevenção da doença e a ligação a outros serviços para a continuidade dos cuidados. No ato da sua criação, em 2008, o governo reconheceu que os cuidados de saúde primários são o pilar central do sistema de saúde. Defende-se, neste estudo, que a comunicação deve estar orientada para o cumprimento da missão das instituições. Deste modo, pretende-se perceber de que forma a comunicação desenvolvida por estas instituições do SNS, particularmente a que recorre às redes sociais, está a contribuir para o cumprimento das suas missões organizacionais. Os objetivos deste estudo foramidentificar os ACeS que estão presentes no Facebook e analisar a comunicação que aí tem sido desenvolvida. O corpus de análise foi constituído pelo universo de todos os ACeS existentes em Portugal. As fontes dos nossos dados foram todas as publicações públicas nas páginas de Facebook dos ACeS em 2018. Para a análise sistemática dos dados (análise das mensagens manifestas), utilizou-se o método de análise de conteúdo tanto com cariz quantitativo como qualitativo.