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In the master plan of the redevelopment of the former industrial harbor Bjørvika, funding for art is stipulated along with access to the site during the construction phase. This article looks at an intervention, from 2005, of the artist Marianne Heier, in relation to the strategic use of imagery in place branding and the use of images to structure change. The epistemological dimension of images will be argued to have ontological implications on how we perceive the world and consequently act upon it. This article suggests the need for a critical approach to mediated images in the context of urban development. By discussing the relationships between Lorraine Daston's use of the notion of 'skilled perception' and Jaques Rancière's concept of the 'distribution of the sensible', I attempt to draw attention to how our perception is skilled and thus affects what we hold in common. Ultimately, the formation of public spaces is the subject of the article and by pointing to the role that images play, as the way we see the city is shaped, this paper argue the need for images that unveil otherwise unrepresented potentials and interests. The notion of skilled perception is presented as a tool for investigating how mediated images in Bjørvika form the basis of perceptual habits, and are suggested to be of use in grasping the "politics" of artistic interventions within the larger constructed image of Bjørvika ; Dette verket er lisensiert med en Creative Commons Attribution 3.0-lisens.

PUBLIC POLICY ON INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS IS INTERPRETED AS A VARIATION ON THREE TRADITIONAL THEMES: INDIVIDUALISM; VOLUNTARY COLLECTIVISM; AND COMPULSORY COLLECTIVISM. IT IS ANALYZED USING THIS PERSPECTIVE FOR THE PERIOD ENDING WITH 1974 IN BRITAIN. THE AUTHOR THEN DISCUSSES CONSERVATIVE PARTY DEBATES ON THIS POLICY AREA SINCE 1974.

The relationship between professionals and the organizations in which they work has been seen over the years as problematic. There is literature which suggests that the type of organization in which they work and are allowed to flourish is the quintessential form of organization for our times. There is also literature which suggests that professionals are reluctant, idiosyncratic members of the organizations in which they work, related to this perspective, there is literature which suggests that they are essentially placed in reactive mode as they are exposed to the cut and thrust of management agendas that are designed to control their activities. In all these strands of literature, there is a strong suggestion that professionals take little interest in the activity known as managing. This paper is primarily concerned to explore the issues that confront one particular group of professionals - research scientists who work in the public sector-as they experience a particular approach to management known as managerialism. We have taken this phenomenon as an extension of the modernist project which has as its heart the transcendence of professional management as a means of achieving control in organizations. This is seen to be a matter of general application in professional organizations. Taking findings from qualitative research in two laboratories we have used the promotion of the managerialist agenda as an opportunity to examine scientists' understandings of the nature of strategy and management, and consider what they understand to be the nature of competent management. It is our finding that these professionals display a lively and sometimes critical understanding of the issues involved in management, and that on occasion they will adapt and absorb `new' approaches to management in order to progress their professional work, they articulate a number of lay discourses that capture, at least to their own satisfaction, the essence of management. It is our belief that this paper will be of interest at two levels. At a specific level, little appears to exist with regard to understanding of the management of research scientists working in the public sector environment. At the more general level, although there has been a great deal of debate regarding the management of professionals, there has been little substantive research into the ways in which professionals locate management into their understanding of the world. This study whilst illuminating the understandings of management of one group of people also illuminates the lives of professionals working in organizations as they are exposed to new approaches to management.

The article relies on an empirical research on the emergence of the discrimination problem through the creation of the French High Authority Fighting against Discrimination and for Equality (HALDE). Discovery of the large scale of discrimination threatened French enculturation model. Juridicisation and universalization of fight against discrimination prevent political controversies by preserving Republican grammar which conflicts public recognition of ethnic minority. Juridical framing was used as a political resource by politicians to avoid a confrontational politicization in public arenas. Adapted from the source document.

Regarding the game between police & public, two models -- one with two-sided incomplete information & the other with multiple strategies -- show that changes in penalties at equilibrium do not affect crime, but instead, affect police behavior. These models are compared with alternative models of the police-public game that come to different conclusions. Reasons for the differences in conclusions are presented, as is empirical evidence against which the different models can be evaluated. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.

This book brings together benchmark essays in the field of global political economy, covering the key political-economic issues of East Asian development: the relation between the state and markets; the changing nature of economic governance and its relation to inequality; and the rise of China and its international consequences.

The Australian state's hostile deterrence policy toward people arriving by boat who seek asylum evokes polarized public sentiments. This article, which ethnographically follows a humanitarian NGO campaign in the lead-up to the 2016 Australian election, examines how citizens who opposed deterrence sought to affectively and morally influence the state and the public. Building on anthropological theories of the state and feminist scholarship on the sociality of emotion, I develop the notion of 'affective relations'. Distinguishing from nationalist, humanitarian, and activist relations that set up divisive dynamics, campaigners invoked 'humanizing' to create affective relations based on common values, personalization, and responsiveness. Although the desired election results were not achieved, the focus on humanization represented a long-term shift to an inclusive alternative politics based on the transformation of power relations.

The digital transformation in the public sector is steadily advancing. An important aspect in this process in many countries is the provision of administrative data as Open Government Data (OGD), since public organisations often produce and collect large amounts of data and are required to follow high standards of transparency at the same time. Increasingly, however, the question arises how OGD can have a positive impact on the common good beyond transparency and how this could be promoted. In this discursive article, we therefore look at the prerequisites and success factors for generating impact through OGD in three steps. First, we discuss how OGD can be optimally published so that they can easily be found, read and processed. Second, we discuss what impact means in relation to OGD, which types of impact can be distinguished and which mechanisms potentially lead to such effects. Third, we focus specifically on the instrument of innovation contests, such as hackathons, as a possible key to success. Since public organisations are participating more and more in such events, we provide some specific recommendations for preparing and participating in these somewhat special competitions before drawing a conclusion.

CONSIDERATION OF 'CANDIDATE PREFERENCE FUNCTION' ELEMENT OF ELECTORAL ALGORITHMS HAS BEEN LARGELY IGNORED AND IS HERE EXAMINED. UTILIZING PSYCHOPHYSICAL SCALING AND VALIDATION PROCEDURES THIS PAPER ESTABLISHES THAT INTERPERSONALLY COMPARABLE MEASURES OF CANDIDATE EVALUATION (UTILITY) MAY BE DEVELOPED, & THAT THE CPF SPECIFIES A POWER RELATION BETWEEN CANDIDATE PREFERENCES AND CANDIDATE EVALUATION.

The way humanity governs itself is today changing very rapidly. Profound transformations in structures of political authority are underway in Europe, North America, and beyond. Nation-states remain central, but they cannot address the most pressing problems facing their own citizens without moving away from traditional understandings of sovereignty itself. Complex Sovereignty contends that just such a movement is underway.Editors Edgar Grande and Louis W. Pauly and the contributors to this volume elucidate the meaning of 'complex sovereignty' through a set of conceptual and empirical studies including governance in the European Union and North America, the emergence of private-public partnerships, the adaptation of established international organizations, and the search for innovative mechanisms to manage risk. They reveal a fascinating and vitally important struggle to give coherence to a complicated governing system of multiple and overlapping hierarchies. This is an original, collaborative study crossing the disciplines of political science, international relations, sociology, and political economy.

This paper examines leadership in relation to supplying a global public good. Both the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement encourage the developed countries to take a lead in reducing emissions. Does a country benefit from taking a lead? When does leadership improve global welfare? The answer depends on how transparent the leader's abatement technology is for the followers. When there is no transparency and the leader has to abate to signal the abatement cost, leadership reduces global welfare unless the crowding-out effect is weak. If there is transparency and the follower can benefit from technology spillover effects, leadership reduces global welfare unless the spillover effect is sufficiently large. I find that transparency reduces global welfare unless the spillover effect is sufficiently large and the difference in abatement cost is small. This theory can rationalize the European Union's stance on climate policy while also explaining the perceived failure of the Kyoto Protocol.

To what extent is it possible for a social movement to transform a public education system in order to promote an alternative social vision? Under what conditions can this implementation occur within the bureaucratic state apparatus, at the regional and national level? How does state-society collaboration develop, in contexts where civil society groups and the state have opposing interests? This dissertation addresses these questions through an investigation of the educational initiatives of the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or MST), a national social movement of rural workers struggling for agrarian reform. MST activists have been able to implement educational proposals in rural public schools that encourage youth to stay in the countryside, foster a sense of belonging to the movement, promote collective forms of work, and practice participatory governance. Part I provides an overview of the multi-level and multi-sited political ethnographic approach used to conduct this research. It then reviews the literature on social movements and state-society relations, and considers how a Gramscian framework can be used to analyze how social movements implement educational proposals in public schools that are opposed to the interests of the dominant class. Part II examines the history and national expansion of the MST's educational initiative: how activists first developed their educational proposals; why the movement went from promoting popular education to participating in the public educational sphere; and why and how the federal government appropriated these ideas as a new approach to rural schooling, known as Educação do Campo (Education of the Countryside). Part III explores the MST's attempt to transform public schools in three state educational systems and two municipalities, and why the MST's success differs drastically across the country depending on the state capacity, government orientation, and level of MST mobilization in each region. Comparison of the outcomes in these subnational cases yield new and unexpected insights into the relationships and conditions that lead to or impede participatory governance: (1) low-capacity governments and weak institutions can offer unusual openings for social movements to implement participatory initiatives; (2) high-capacity state antagonism negates the positive effects of mobilization; (3) not-so-public forms of contention are an effective strategy that social movements can use to engage the state and participate in the provision of public goods; (4) technocracy is a significant barrier to participatory practices, even among supportive governments; and, (5) state-society collaboration is not possible if the leadership of a social movement does not have a strong connection to its base. Significantly, this research shows that the implementation of a social movement's goals through the state apparatus does not always lead to movement cooptation or decline. Additionally, public schools, normally institutions reproducing state power, can be used by marginalized communities to support alternative social visions. However, the case of the MST also illustrates that this process is never straightforward, easy, or permanent, as it requires communities to first develop a common vision, and then work with, in, and through the ever-changing power structures to implement this vision.

The author shows in how far the current way of lobbying is dangerous to democratic politics. Since scholars & public have neglected the danger for a long time, there developed a relation between politicians & lobbyists, which is quite close. This relation harms Parliament's reputation. The resulting disdain for politics has to be overcome by straight rules. Politicians & public are more conscious of the problem by now, but there is still a long way to go. Adapted from the source document.

SURVEYS OF THE DIRECTORS OF STATE AIR AND WATER QUALITY PROGRAMS IN 1979, 1985, AND 1990 ARE USED TO ASSESS THE DIRECTORS' (AND INDIRECTLY, THE STATES') REACTIONS TO THE NEW FEDERALISM OF THE 1980S AND RELATED FEDERAL EFFORTS TO INCREASE THE ROLE OF THE STATES IN ENVIRONMENTAL DECISIONMAKING. DESPITE THE FREQUENT CLAIMS THAT THE NEW FEDERALISM LED TO SIGNIFICANT IMPROVEMENTS IN STATE-FEDERAL RELATIONS IN THE ENVIRONMENTAL ARENA, THE SURVEY DATA SUGGEST THAT THESE RELATIONS HAVE CHANGED LITTLE SINCE 1979. THE ACTIONS OF TWO PRESIDENTAL ADMINISTRATIONS HAVE HAD SOME EFFECTS, BUT IN SEVERAL INSTANCES, EARLY IMPROVEMENTS HAVE EVAPORATED.