In this paper, populism is regarded as a kind of ideological map that facilitates to the citizens their coping in the political space, as well as a "thin-centered ideology" which has at his center the idea that politics should be a reflection of the will of the people, the idea that a clean and moral nation confronts a corrupt elite and "out groups", "out groups" which actions endanger or impair the rights and values of the nation. The paper focuses on some fundamental theoretical considerations on populism and empirical determination of the elements of populism in the public opinion in Serbia. Based on opinion polls in Serbia it has been shown what is the relationship of citizens to the people, political elites, democracy and its institutions, as well as the attitude towards "out groups". Empirical research conducted in Serbia in 2017 confirms the hypothesis that the gap between citizens and their elected representatives is deep, and it marks also that conventional politics increasingly faces the difficulties to reach citizens, and that lack of trust in political parties is generated in all spheres of representative democracy. In the political life, "out groups" are instrumentally ranked by political actors according to the necessities of the moment, and the empirical research of attitudes shows that they are in the same way as "out groups experienced by the citizens.
In this paper author analyzes the attitude towards the Serbian identity by the former ruling structures of Montenegro led by the DPS. As a theoretical framework the paper uses the theory of securitization which is an adequate analytical and research concept to explain how and in what way the Serbian identity in Montenegro is marked as an existential threat and danger to the independence, sovereignty and modern character of the Montenegrin state. Although the differentiation between the ethno-national Montenegrin and Serbian identities within Montenegro is a process that began even before the declaration of independence in 2006, the author primarily focuses on the securitization processes that marked the previous two years. By analyzing the contemporary public discourse the author notices securitizing moves that fit into the "grammar of security" and identifies the main factors of the securitization process in Montenegro that seek to maintain the same social and political narrative which is dominated by the division between Montenegrin and Serbian identity and thus labeling the latter as a security threat to the state.
The first section of this paper discusses a public diplomacy concept within the international relations paradigm shift that takes place in a radically changed global environment. Public diplomacy is analyzed primarily through cultural aspects in relation to other concepts such as propaganda and 'nation branding'. The second part is dedicated to identification of the key problems that the Republic of Serbia is facing regarding conceptualization and implementation of public and cultural diplomacy. It analyzes the institutional framework and effects of international Serbian policies up to now. It points to the need for long-term synchronous involvement of different actors in the field of public and cultural diplomacy of the Republic of Serbia, in order to promote not only its political positioning and reputation in the world, but for the sake of strengthening its economic and other development resources. Recognition of public and cultural diplomacy as an effective long-term means of building the reputation and position of the Republic of Serbia in international relations is extremely important. It means to articulate the need to design a new cultural concept, which would be built into a system of values that traces the path of Serbian development. The basic question, therefore, in terms of conceptualization of public and cultural diplomacy, remains the question of the narrative. This is the new and the old question of all questions: 'Who are we, where are we going and where do we want to go?'.
The subject and purpose of the research in this paper is based on the analysis of the influence of the central bank on public debt in the conditions of the currency board in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The structure of the work was set up through a dynamic analysis of the ratio of public debt variables, the supply of money, the state of the budget of the governments of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the current account and the nominal exchange rate. The research covers the period from 2000 to 2016. The research methodology is based on the use of empirical data and the application of the vector autoregresion model (VAR). On the basis of an analysis of the function of impulse and response, it is possible to indicate the reactions of the variable variables with one another. On the other hand, the decomposition of variance through the model proves the mutual variability and interaction of the variables for the observed period of research. The practical implications of the work are reflected in the answer to the extent to which monetary authorities, in the conditions of the currency board, due to the endogenous supply of money, contribute to the creation of a budget deficit and public debt. ; Predmet i cilj istraživanja u ovom radu bazira se na analizi uticaja centralne banke najavni dug u uslovima valutnog odbora u Bosni i Hercegovini. Konstrukcija rada je postavljena kroz dinamičku analizu odnosa varijabli javnog duga, ponude novca, stanja budžeta vlada Bosne i Hercegovine, tekućeg računa i nominalnog deviznog kursa. Istraživanje pokriva period od 2000. do 2016. godine. Metodologija istraživanja bazira se na upotrebi empirijskih podataka i primjeni vektorskog autoregresionog modela (VAR). Na bazi analize funkcije impulsa i odgovora moguće je ukazati na reakcije promjenjljivih varijabli međusobno, sa jedne strane. Sa druge strane, dekompozicijom varijanse kroz model dokazuje se međusobna varijabilnost i međusobni uticaj varijabli za posmatrani period istraživanja. Praktične implikacije rada ogledaju se kroz odgovor koliko monetarne vlasti u uslovima valutnog odbora, usljed endogene ponude novca, doprinose stvaranju budžetskog deficita i javnom zaduženju.
Predmet ovog rada jeste prikaz javno-privatnih partnerstava kao instrumenta za koji se pretpostavlja da bi, ukoliko bi se primenjivao prvenstveno na lokalnom, ali i na višim nivoima upravljanja, omoguéio vlastima u svakoj zemlji brži i kvalitetniji ekonomski razvoj društva. Iskustva moderno uređenih demokratskih društava u decentralizaciji vlasti po principima subsidijariteta i fiskalnog federalizma daju uvid u set mera i principa stvaranja dobrog poslovnog okruženja kao prim amog faktora privlačenja kapitala, a time i opšteg razvoj a države. Javno-privatna partnerstva su kao najsloženiji i najnoviji instrument podsticanja ekonomskog razvoja modemih država od posebnog značaja. Još uvek u fazi razvoja i u primeni u nekolicini najrazvijenijih demokratija, pred ovim složenim instrumentom tek leže pravi izazovi i budućnost. Stoga je cilj ovog rada prepoznavanje važnosti najsloženijeg instrumenata za podsticanje ekonomskog razvoja, a to su javno-privatna partnerstva i njihovo poznavanje u teoriji i kroz primenu u praksi. Ono je od velikog značaja sadašnjim i budućim kadrovima koji rade u javnoj upravi Srbije na svim nivoima. Naučni značaj ove teme j e u sistematskom prikazu i analizi modela javno-privatnih partnerstava. JPP su aktuelna tek od 90-ih godina, zemlje EU tek početkom 21.veka osnivaju posebna tela koja se pri vladama bave JPP, a Evropska komisija je tek 2004. izdala Zelenu knjigu o JPP, koja delimitino defunse i analizira JPP. Iz naučnog proizlazi i društveni značaj ovog rada, a to je bolje razumevanje JPP, podizanje svesti sadašnjih i buduéih kadrova u javnoj upravi o njihovom značaju i spremnosti da u predstojeéim reformama ispravno i kvalifikovano zastupaju interese društva u čije ime rade. Osim kao doprinos teoriji o javnoj upravi, ovaj rad ima veći značaj kao priručnik organima te iste uprave u poznavanju i primeni JPP kao instrumenta kojim se podstiče ekonomski razvoj. ; This paper focuses on the presentation of public-private partnerships (PPPs) as instruments which are assumed to enable faster economical development of municipalities and the country in total, for the authority of our country, if firstly applied locally, but then also on higher levels of management. The experiences of the modem democratic societies in the area of decentralization of the authority by the principles of subsidiarityand fiscal federalism, enable the insight to the set of measures and the principles of creating the good business environment as the primary factor of attracting investments, and subsequently enabling the general local development. Public-private partnerships are the most complex, and the latest instrument of special importance for encouraging the economic development of modem states. Still in the phase of development and applied in a few the most developed democracies only, this complex instrument is yet to face the real challenges and the future. Therefore the objective of this paper is recognizing the importance of the most complex instrument for encouraging the local economic development, which are the public-private partnerships and the theoretical and practical knowledge about them.This is of the most importance for current and future staff employed in the public administration of Serbia, at all levels. The scientific importance of this paper is the systematic presentation and analysis of the model of the public-private partnerships. PPPs have become more present since the 90's; at the beginning of the 21st century the EU countries have started forming special government bodiesto deal with PPPs, and the European commission has issued the Green book on PPPs only in 2004, which defines and partly analyses the PPPs. The outcome of the scientific significance of this paper is also the social one: the better understanding of the PPPs, lifting the awareness of the current and future staff employed in the public administration about their significance and competence to, in future reforms, correctly and skillfully represent the interest of the society in whose behalf they act. Beside the contribution to the theory about the local government, this paper has a greater meaning as a guide book for its administrative bodies, when addressing the issues of knowing and applying the PPPs as the instrument to encourage the economic development.
This paper analyses the connection of interests and corruption, especially corruption and political interests. It first considers the notion of interest, i.e. its meanings and significance, both for an individual and for a society. It presents the classification if interests by Albion Woodbury Small. A special emphasis is given to the encounter of different interests as the beginning of clash between humans. The paper analyses individual, special and general interests, as well as their relations. The paper also analyses two levels of conflict of interest: the conflict between public and private interest and the conflict between interests within the public offices. The relation of interests in society and politics is solved in the best way by adopting laws, i.e. by introducing the rule of law into political order. Without that the interest orientation of politicians can easily end up in abuse and illegality. In turn, abuses and illegalities open the possibilities for various kinds of corruptive acts.
The Republic of Serbia represents an employer for civil servants and employees, for employees who perform tasks within the scope of state administration bodies, courts, public prosecutors' offices, for police officers as a separate category of civil servants, etc. The regulation of the labor legal status of these persons is also carried out through the conclusion of special collective agreements in addition to the normative. A significant part of the state administration is made up of public services that, by their significance and manner of carrying out tasks of general interest, as well as by the method of financing, represent the central level of the state that encompasses the entities which are responsible for the provision of predominantly non-market services which the state is obliged to provide in order to meet the general needs of its people. The concept of administration has been established as a profession of general interest. Administration carried out by the state authorities itself is viewed in a narrower sense, and when we look at the administration through public services or public administration, we have to bear in mind that non-state actors are also entrusted with administrative activities. Based on the nature of their work, state authorities have a significant administrative function in regulating tasks and prerequisites which are important for collective negotiations in the public sector. The state administration also carries out registration of social partners, tasks related to determining the representativeness of social partners, registration of collective agreements and decision-making on the extended effect of the collective agreement. Relevant authorities, councils, state administration boards and special organizations perform their activities through tripartite and bipartite social dialogue, and decisions are made by consensus. The state administration performs and ensures the performance of state functions important for collective negotiations in the public sector, conducts a procedure for obtaining the authority of representatives of state bodies and public services to start, negotiate and conclude a collective agreement. Also, the state administration has an active role in the process of registration of the collective agreements, as well as in the obligatory mediation and conciliation and arrangement of the minimum work process in activities of general interest. The state administration maintains the legal order and secures public interest through the procedure of concluding and applying collective agreements in the public sector. Through the realization of these activities, the participation of state entities in the conclusion of collective agreements opens the question of the legal nature of collective agreements, that is, leaves the possibility for the analysis and comparison of the collective agreement and the administrative contract. Collective agreement is a general act, but in its adoption, administrative-legal relationship is recognized as a significant relationship which is regulated by numerous norms of international and national law. Both contracts are concluded with the agreement of the contracting parties, and with the reduced authoritative function of the state administration. A particularly collective association of state bodies and public services can be considered as social acts that regulate rights, obligations and responsibilities from the employment of public sector employees, which contain mandatory and normative parts, but each is an autonomous source of labor law in the public sector.
When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to states' policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e. that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms.
Effectiveness of the administrative system as a whole depends on the quality of its organization. The Organizational structure reflects functional dynamic of the public administration. On the other hand, functional requirements of efficiency and effectiveness of the administrative system determine organizational forms. The scope, character and nature of administrative actions require optimal and coordinated external (macro-organization) and internal (micro-organization) organizational structure, which will allow optimal functioning of an administrative system. Therefore, the organizational structure is not immutable category, because tasks and roles, activities and goals, are changing in the same government system and sometimes even the whole system, so it is necessary to change the administrative organization. Administrative organization is systemic (external and internal) open dynamic structure of state government agencies and other bodies and organizations with public (administrative) powers prescribed in the course of lawful relationships of dynamic interaction, based on the hierarchy or coordination, depending on the nature and objectives of administrative tasks. Current organization of the state administration has not been made according to the principles of modern management. It is a result of the political spoils system, and reflects the need for political control of the administrative departments. It lacks functional analysis and expert approach.
In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve "parallel institutions" of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn't find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidaturein December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handedover general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without "recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo"as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progresive Party will continue with current politics "both EU and Kosovo". Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo's politics. On the other side, Serbian politics "both EU and Kosovo" is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia's further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo's politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept " territorial integrity of Kosovo", including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs, Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dillemas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.
The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.
