Québec City from above with the St. Lawrence River in the background and the Parliament Building located to the right. The Parliament Building is an eight-floor building in Québec City and home to the Parliament of Québec. Architect Eugène-Ètienne Tachè designed the building and it was built from 1877 to 1886. Also located in the Parliament Hill area are a few shopping streets, residential areas, and public green spaces. In 1985, the complex of parliamentary buildings was declared a National Historic Site of Quebec. ; https://digitalcommons.ric.edu/smolski_images/2104/thumbnail.jpg
In ms., on half-title of v. 2.: M. Eugène Jodin, Longueuil. ; Half-title of v. 1. torn. ; Bound with Faucher de Saint-Maurice. L'abbé C.-H. Laverdière. [1873?]. Les conservateurs et la politique nationale de 1878 à 1882. St. Hyacinthe, 1882. ; Mode of access: Internet.
The Bakhtinian concept of space is topological rather than topographic, and encompasses the cosmic, the social and the corporeal; its function in the Québec novel consists in debasing the hierarchical verticality of Lent and of the "official feast." As Carnival is an anti-law,"law" in the Québec novel will be defined as the chronotope of the sacred space (the land or "terre" of Québec) in the genre known as the "novel of the land" ("le roman de Ia terre"). Until the Second World War, this chronotope transforms an Augustinian political view of the civitas dei into literary proselytism, via the ideology of agricultural messianism. Sanctification implies closure of space and of the text; the "outside" is debased, as is textual "difference," that is, carnivalesque writing as it appears, for example, in La Scouine by Albert Laberge or in Marie Calumet by Rodolphe Girard. During the 1940s, the "introspective novel" (Robert Charbonneau, Robert Elie, Robert Choquette) also connotes the "upper" euphorically and the "lower" dysphorically, but at this historical point as a function of the sanctification of the individual according to a Thomist hierarchy. The quest of the hero can be seen as the ascent of a vertical ladder of time/space/society/values. The novel of the 1960s takes on a carnivalesque air: former sacred spaces are diminished in number and importance or are debased; new spaces appear where the body communicates with other bodies and the world. The space of knowledge is not God, but the land. Novels of this period (by M.C. Blais, R. Carrier, A. Hébert) are constructed around two paradigms according to a Manichean view of the world, and bear a great predictability, thus leading to a new set of "upside down" cliches. The carnivalesque multiple is completely realized in Hubert Aquin's first two novels. Space ceases to bear meaning other than as a metaphor for horizontal kinetic writing. The text becomes the open space of a continuous game between narrator and reader. The importance given to the margin/marginality (the footnotes), the masquerade of characters and of polysemic words, the narrative games that deconstruct the medieval Aquinian world create the space of carnivalesque scriptural relativity. But Aquin also gives a political dimension to his carnivalesque writing: his position is that only a writing of chaos can correspond to a nation which is obsolete ("révolu") and imprisoned in stasis while still aspiring to a revolution. The mediation between stasis and movement is the text which acts as a detonator or pharmakon in the mind of the reader. The study of the carnivalesque in the Québec novel leads us to the discovery of an impressive number of heroes/writers/pharmakos/witches, all having the same kinetic transformatory function which is accomplished by the same medium: the word. They point to a society in transition during the 1960s and 1970s.
Titre de la couv. ; Attribué au Parti conservateur du Québec--Canadiana, 1900-1925. ; Comprend des références bibliographiques. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44
It is incumbent on minority nations evolving within democratic multinational states to treat immigrant minorities fairly by enshrining a "politics of difference". Yet minority nations sometimes fear that recognizing their own internal diversity through multiculturalism policies threatens their very existence. It is vital for the democratic future of a minority nation that its feeling of being a "fragile nation" not entail the rejection of a "politics of difference." Focusing on Québec within Canada, I argue that interculturalism can provide fair treatment for immigrant minorities as well as lessen a minority nation's feeling of fragility.
ABSTRACT. Since the last educational reform in Québec at the beginning of the 1980s the face of English Québec has changed, as has its attitude towards govemment policies in education. In 1999, the newly formed English language school boards are joining forces to share resources and expertise and to take charge of implementation in their schools. RÉSUMÉ. Depuis la dernière réforme de l'éducation au Québec au début des années 1980, le visage du Québec anglophone a radicalement changé, tout comme son attitude à l'égard des politiques gouvernementales sur l'éducation. En 1999, les commissions scolaires anglophones de création récente ont décidé d'unir leurs forces pour échanger des ressources et des expertises et prendre en charge la mise en oeuvre des réformes dans leurs écoles.
This paper examines the psychohistory and consequences of the massive student demonstrations, often featuring mass erotic displays, which erupted in Montréal, Québec, in 2012. These marches, to protest an increase in university fees proposed by the education ministry as an austerity measure, provoked a political crisis that brought down the democratically-elected government of the province. The crisis reflected the historical isolation of Québec, the socioeconomic structure which has emerged there as a substitute for organized religion, and the psychological dependency fostered by a utopian political system, which have all fed a strong sense of entitlement in many citizens, enabled by a benevolent mother-state. This cultural pattern encouraged students to make 'impossible' financial demands, while resenting the state as an insufficiently-indulgent parent who was hindering their wishfulfillment fantasies. These unprecedented events, which carry serious implications for the future of welfare-state liberal democracy, can best be understood by examining the history, culture, and family dynamics of the distinctive society of Québec.
ABSTRACT. Following a decade of top-down reform in which teachers were identified as the problem, rather than the solution, the current generation of Québec teachers has reacted with predictable skepticism and mistrust to the current wave of reforms. The success of government initiatives to revamp the curriculum and decentralize significant authority to schools hinges upon building a new working relationship with teacher organizations. RÉSUMÉ. Après une dizaine d'années de réforme descendante où les enseignants étaient présentés comme le problème plutôt que comme la solution, la génération actuelle de enseignants du Québec a réagi avec une dose prévisible de scepticisme et de méfiance à l'égard de la nouvelle vague de réformes. Lè succès des initiatives gouvernementales visant à remanier le cursus et à déléguer d'importants pouvoirs aux écoles dépend de l'établissement d'une nouvelle relation de travail avec les associations d'enseignants.
En 1991, le législateur fédéral a modifié la Loi de l'impôt sur le revenu en y ajoutant des paragraphes spécifiques relatifs aux conséquences fiscales qu'entraînent le partage d'un bien détenu en indivision. Ces règles ne concernent que l'impôt sur le revenu et ne peuvent donc pas être appliquées à d'autres législations de nature fiscale, telles les taxes à la consommation. À défaut de règles spécifiques, les conséquences fiscales d'un partage en vertu de ces lois sont déterminées par le droit interne de chaque province; ce qui ne concorde pas nécessairement avec les règles retenues par le législateur fédéral aux fins de l'impôt sur le revenu. Quelles sont ces conséquences fiscales et peuvent-elles influencer l'issue d'un partage? Afin de répondre à ces questions, l'auteure explicite d'abord les règles contenues dans la Loi de l'impôt sur le revenu puis examine les conséquences fiscales d'un partage soumis à la Loi sur la taxe d'accise et à la Loi concernant les droits sur les mutations immobilières. ; Abstract: In 1991, Parliament amended the Income Tax Act by adding specific rules pertaining to the partition of undivided property. Since these rules apply only to the Income Tax Act, the fiscal consequences of a partition of undivided property under other tax legislation, such as sales taxes, are determined by provincial laws which do not necessarily coincide with the rules enacted for income tax purposes. What are the tax consequences of a partition of undivided property under the Income Tax Act and other tax laws? Could these consequences influence the outcome of a partition? In order to answer these questions, the writer explains the rules contained in the Income Tax Act. She also examines the fiscal consequences of a partition in light of the Excise Tax Act and the Act Respecting Duties on Transfers of Immoveables.