Suchergebnisse

In the article, based on laws and bills, reports of profile governmental and public commissions, the place of the Muslim community in the educational space of Quebec is investigated. The main emphasis is on analyzing the peculiarities of the adaptation of public schools to the ethno-religious diversity of students and the reasons for the emergence of private Islamic schools. Despite the fact that Muslims at the beginning of the twenty-first century were less than 2% of the population of Quebec, their "necessary accommodations", in particular such significant religious attribute as hijab, were at the heart of the debate. In 1994, the Commission on Human Rights and Youth Rights guaranteed to students the right to this religious accommodation, in 2008 similar rights of teachers were confirmed. In 2010 and 2014 the provincial government unsuccessful attempts to ban the closing of a face in public institutions, including schools. Instead, we note the insufficient protection of those who did not want to wear a hijab in private Islamic schools – by the decision of 1994, the Muslim teachers are forced to wear it. The concept of "open secularismis" (1999) is seen by us as an attempt to adapt the Canadian model of religious accommodation to the challenges of the French-speaking information space. Even in the context of the process of deconfessionnalization of the Quebec schools, the active phase of which came from 1998‒2008, it was not a question to remove religion from the educational space, but only to provide the rights previously enjoyed by Catholics and Protestants to religious minorities, including Muslims. We explain a small number of private Muslim educational institutions at the beginning of the twenty-first century by the being of the Muslim community at the stage of formation and the satisfaction with the state system of education, which was considered as a mechanism, that would help to better socialize and integrate into the host society. ; У статті на основі законів і законопроектів, звітів профільних урядових і громадських комісій досліджено місце мусульманської спільноти в освітньому просторі Квебеку. Основний акцент зроблено на аналізі особливостей пристосування державних шкіл до етно-релігійного різноманіття учнів і причинах появи приватних ісламських шкіл. Хоча мусульмани на початку ХХІ ст. складали менше 2% населення Квебеку, їхні "необхідні пристосування", зокрема хіджаб, були в центрі дискусій. 1994 р. Комісія з прав людини та молоді гарантувала ученицям право на цей помітний релігійний атрибут, 2008 р. підтверджено аналогічні права вчительок. У 2010 і 2014 рр. зафіксовано невдалі спроби заборони закривати обличчя в державних установах, зокрема і навчальних закладах. Концепцію "відкритої світськості", започатковану 1999 р., розглядаємо, як спробу узгодити канадську модель "релігійних пристосувань" до викликів франкомовного інформаційного простору, оскільки навіть у контексті процесу деконфесіоналізації квебекських шкіл, активна фаза якого припала на 1998‒2008 рр., йшлося не про лаїцизацію державної школи, а про надання тих прав, якими раніше користувалися католики та протестанти, меншинам, зокрема й мусульманам. Незначна кількість приватних мусульманських навчальних закладів на початку ХХІ ст. пояснюється перебуванням мусульманської спільноти на стадії становлення та підтримкою державної системи освіти, яку розглядали як механізм, що допоможе краще соціалізуватися й інтегруватися у приймаюче суспільство.

У статті розглянуто структуру студентських організацій у Канаді та роль, яку вони відіграють у керуванні вищим навчальним закладом; проаналізовано основні функції та напрями їх діяльності, означено основні категорії студентських клубів та організацій за інтересами, що приманні більшості вузів Канади. Зазначено, що яскравим прикладом виконання організаціями студентського самоврядування суспільно-політичної функції, став найбільш тривалий та найчисельніший студентський протест за всю історію Канади під назвою «Кленова весна». Доведено, що цей протест призвів до цілої низки суспільно-політичних подій, котрі вплинули як на систему вищої освіти, так і на суспільство Канади в цілому. ; This article has two major objectives: to describe the structure of the student movement in Canada and the formal role of the students in higher education governance, and to describe and analyze the «Maple Spring», the dramatic mobilization of the students in opposition to proposed tuition fee increased in Quebec that eventually led to a provincial election and the fall of the government. Based on an analysis of the documents, news reports, and a small number of interviews with the student leaders, the author will analyze what became the largest student protest movement in Canadian history. We will begin by conceptualizing the student organizations as political pressure groups, and then reviewing the major structural characteristics of Canadian student organizations. We will then turn to the special case of the student protests in Quebec in 2012. University-level student organizations have considerable organizational capacity (stable membership, mandatory fees, paid staff) and can be viewed as institutionalized pressure groups working within university policy networks. There are also student pressure groups functioning at the provincial and federal levels of the authority. Then we will identify activity strategies of the students' organizations, analyze their main functions, and describe the main categories of university clubs and organizations. At the end we will give a description of the «Maple Spring» – the debate over tuition in Quebec which is not simply about the level of user fees, but rather the issue is embedded in a much broader vision of the role of higher education, and the discourse used by the student movement is based on a set of social-democratic values that resonate with the collective imaginary of Quebec society. Building upon their organizational capacity (membership, resources, paid staff and official recognition), using innovative strategies to maintain media coverage and pressure on the provincial government, and benefiting from circumstantial factors as well as the unique political context of Quebec, the student organizations in the province engaged in a protest have been unique in Canadian history because of its length and size, the magnitude of media attention that it received (in Canada and internationally), and its impact on the Quebec government and the provincial higher education system.

Any language learned after mastering the first language is a second language. The practice of learning a second language has a long world history.Canada is famous for its bilingualism and world-class education. Language issues of particular concern in Canada include the study of French as a second language (FSL) by English-speaking Canadians and immigrants in Quebec; study of English as a second language (ESL) by French speakers in Quebec and immigrants in English Canada; supporting other languages, such as those of immigrants and indigenous people; and learning English or French as a second language by indigenous people. The experience of Canada is significant in teaching a second language, and especially the experience of second language teacher training. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to analyze the Canadian experience of second language teacher training.Universities of Canada offer a variety of second language (English) teacher training programs, including a Bachelor of Arts in Applied Linguistics, English as an additional teacher certification language, CELTA and TESOL. The analysis revealed that 62 universities and colleges offer 70 TESOL programs, while only 10 offer CELTA. Therefore, in our article we will look at the content of the TESOL program with the support of TESL Canada – the national English language federation for second language teachers.It has been stated that ESL teacher performs the following duties: conducts hands-on activities; organizes work in discussion groups, individual and group projects; develops curriculum and prepares study materials; prepares tests and papers to evaluate student performance; oversees individual or group projects; may serve on committees to discuss budgets, review curricula and course requirements; can provide advisory services to government, business and other organizations ; Будь-яка мова, вивчена після засвоєння першої мови, є другою мовою. Практика вивчення другої іноземної мови має давню історію у світі. Канада славиться своєю двомовністю та освітою світового рівня. Досвід Канади є значним і вагомим у викладанні другої мови, а особливо досвід підготовки вчителів до викладання другої іноземної мови. Тому метою статті є аналіз канадського досвіду підготовки вчителів другої мови. Аналіз засвідчив, що університети Канади успішно впроваджують різні програми підготовки вчителів і водночас дозволив виявити, що найпоширенішою програмою в коледжах та університетах є TESOL.

Any language learned after mastering the first language is a second language. The practice of learning a second language has a long world history.Canada is famous for its bilingualism and world-class education. Language issues of particular concern in Canada include the study of French as a second language (FSL) by English-speaking Canadians and immigrants in Quebec; study of English as a second language (ESL) by French speakers in Quebec and immigrants in English Canada; supporting other languages, such as those of immigrants and indigenous people; and learning English or French as a second language by indigenous people. The experience of Canada is significant in teaching a second language, and especially the experience of second language teacher training. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to analyze the Canadian experience of second language teacher training.Universities of Canada offer a variety of second language (English) teacher training programs, including a Bachelor of Arts in Applied Linguistics, English as an additional teacher certification language, CELTA and TESOL. The analysis revealed that 62 universities and colleges offer 70 TESOL programs, while only 10 offer CELTA. Therefore, in our article we will look at the content of the TESOL program with the support of TESL Canada – the national English language federation for second language teachers.It has been stated that ESL teacher performs the following duties: conducts hands-on activities; organizes work in discussion groups, individual and group projects; develops curriculum and prepares study materials; prepares tests and papers to evaluate student performance; oversees individual or group projects; may serve on committees to discuss budgets, review curricula and course requirements; can provide advisory services to government, business and other organizations ; Будь-яка мова, вивчена після засвоєння першої мови, є другою мовою. Практика вивчення другої іноземної мови має давню історію у світі. Канада славиться своєю двомовністю та освітою світового рівня. Досвід Канади є значним і вагомим у викладанні другої мови, а особливо досвід підготовки вчителів до викладання другої іноземної мови. Тому метою статті є аналіз канадського досвіду підготовки вчителів другої мови. Аналіз засвідчив, що університети Канади успішно впроваджують різні програми підготовки вчителів і водночас дозволив виявити, що найпоширенішою програмою в коледжах та університетах є TESOL.

The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.

Responses to activation of the dissident movement in the Ukrainian SSR in the 1960s were political repression in various forms: from "preventive conversations" to arrest for "anti-Soviet activity". Violation of constitutional rights in the Soviet Union was not overlooked by the Western communities. Dissidents made no secret hopes for the support of the Ukrainian community in the Diaspora and Western Governments. The political position of the dissident movement was based on the notions of humanism, democracy, and individual and national freedom. The Ukrainian dissident movement generally adhered to legal and constitutional means of struggle. "Samvydav" documents were widely distributed in the West, particularly in Canada. And during the official visit of the Soviet Chairman of the Council of Ministers O. Kosygin to Canada in October 1971 had a good opportunity to once again draw the world's attention to the issue of human rights in the "most democratic country in the world". Soviet Premier O. Kosygin's visit constitutes was served to maintain the bilateral momentum established by Trudeau's groundbreaking visit to the USSR that spring.From the perspective of most Ethnic organizations in Canada, human rights were so fundamental principle, which had developed bilateral Canada-Soviet relations. After numerous requests from Ukrainian organizations a Canadian Prime Minister P. Trudeau and others influence politicians (M. Sharp, P. Yuzyk, D. Crool, J. Diefenbaker) bring up this matter of the imprisonment Ukrainian intellectuals in public and private discussions with Soviet Premier. P. Trudeau stressed that freedom is the most important value a just society and the exercise of freedom its principal characteristic. Without these, human rights could not hope for true fulfillment. Trudeau's foreign policy was based on a liberal agenda, including attitude of some sympathy to left regimes in the world (in particular USSR). At the some time Canadian leader condemned nationalist lawbreakers at their country (for example Quebec) and beyond. During official visit to Soviet Union in May 1971 he compared Ukrainian dissidents with Quebec terrorists. This caused resentment and even during the visit Kosygin to Canada Trudeau tried to remedy the situation and improve their reputation in the eyes of Ukrainian Canadians.Kosygin's visit to Canada stirs mass student's protests, which demanding to stop human rights violations in Soviet Union. They emphasized that these Ukrainian intellectuals in opposing the russification policy of Moscow in Ukraine and in defending the cultural rights in their Constitution and the Charter of the United Nations. Except Ukrainians part in the pickets took Jews, Czechs, Hungarians, Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians. A Hungarian political refugee even damaged Kosygin's jacket.Kosygin's declaration at press conference that the nationality problem in Soviet Union has been successfully solved caused indignation. The Jewish question, namely blocking out the Jews from the Soviet Union, Soviet politician called artificial. Similarly O. Kosygin answered on the Ukrainian question, arguing for equality of all peoples in the Soviet Union. Senator P. Yuzyk confronts Soviet Premier in arrests of dissenters. When asked about the imprisonment of Ukrainian dissidents, including V. Moroz, Kosygin replied that he had never heard of this person, as he knew nothing about the arrest of others Ukrainian intellectuals.However, O. Kosygin visit to Canada and the events surrounding it still brought limited results – once again internationally raised the issue of human rights in the Soviet Union and imprisonment of dissidents, and soon some of the prisoners dissidents were able to emigrate to Canada. ; В статье прослеживается поднятия канадскими политиками и общественностью вопроса о соблюдении прав человека в Советском Союзе во время визита Председателя Совета Министров СССР А. Косыгина в Канаду в октябре 1971. Особое внимание уделено активным действиям канадских украинцев, направленных на привлечение внимания мирового сообщества к преследованию диссидентов в УССР. Определены последствия, к которым привело рассмотрение этого вопроса на международном уровне. ; У статті простежено порушення канадськими політиками та громадськістю питання дотримання прав людини в Радянському Союзі під час візиту Голови Ради Міністрів СРСР О. Косигіна до Канади у жовтні 1971 р. Особливий наголос зроблено на активних діях канадських українців, спрямованих на привернення уваги світової спільноти до переслідування інакодумців в УРСР. Визначено наслідки, до яких призвів розгляд цього питання на міжнародному рівні.

In modern society a certain social processes occur. That is, the complicated socio-economic and political transformation of global scale is associated with the processes of globalization. Unity of mankind and the formation of human culture became a reason of appearing of the phenomenon of multicultural education.In modern scientific literature on this issue a different meanings (multiculturalism poly-culturalizm, inter-culturalizm, transculturalizm, etc.) are found. There is no unity in their interpretation.In our research the terms «policultural society», «the policy of multiculturalism» and «policultural education» will be used. We are distinguishing and defining them as it follows.Defining the essence of the concept of «policultural society» we based on the generally definition concept of «society». But attention in definition was focused on the diversity of cultures.In aspects of our research, we analyze the society that has geographic boundaries (border), a common legislative system and a certain socio-cultural unity. Unity is a reflection of the integrity of the existence of various cultural communities (including ethnic) in the nation.Multicultural society is characterized by such basic features as territory, social structure, autonomy and self-sufficiency, social and cultural unity – typical of the multicultural society.The concept of «multiculturalism» we use in it most common sense, that is – in the meaning of public policy.The concept «multiculturalism» appeared in Canada in 1960, in the process of searching the ways to solve the conflict between Quebec nationalism and English Canada. Multiculturalism was officially politically accepted in 1971. In the European political and academic vocabulary «multiculturalism» came in the middle of 80-s, but it was not an expression of official policy.The problem of intercultural interaction is now in the focus of not only politicians, philosophers, sociologists and culturologists, but also educational community. The trends of developing of modern society have created the necessity of direction of national policies on the development of the educational sector, which would be based on the principles of universalization. In this regard, in many countries of the world, the multicultural education has become the leading development strategy of multicultural society. ; У статті охарактеризовано соціально-культурні передумови виникнення полікультурної освіти. З'ясовано, що соціально-економічні та політичні трансформації пов'язані з процесами глобалізації. Розглянуто ознаки полікультурного суспільства, основною з яких є соціокультурна єдність. Представлено типи полікультурних суспільств за Г. Терборном. Дано визначення мультикультуралізму в значенні державної політики. Проаналізовано сутність полікультурної освіти.

In modern society a certain social processes occur. That is, the complicated socio-economic and political transformation of global scale is associated with the processes of globalization. Unity of mankind and the formation of human culture became a reason of appearing of the phenomenon of multicultural education.In modern scientific literature on this issue a different meanings (multiculturalism poly-culturalizm, inter-culturalizm, transculturalizm, etc.) are found. There is no unity in their interpretation.In our research the terms «policultural society», «the policy of multiculturalism» and «policultural education» will be used. We are distinguishing and defining them as it follows.Defining the essence of the concept of «policultural society» we based on the generally definition concept of «society». But attention in definition was focused on the diversity of cultures.In aspects of our research, we analyze the society that has geographic boundaries (border), a common legislative system and a certain socio-cultural unity. Unity is a reflection of the integrity of the existence of various cultural communities (including ethnic) in the nation.Multicultural society is characterized by such basic features as territory, social structure, autonomy and self-sufficiency, social and cultural unity – typical of the multicultural society.The concept of «multiculturalism» we use in it most common sense, that is – in the meaning of public policy.The concept «multiculturalism» appeared in Canada in 1960, in the process of searching the ways to solve the conflict between Quebec nationalism and English Canada. Multiculturalism was officially politically accepted in 1971. In the European political and academic vocabulary «multiculturalism» came in the middle of 80-s, but it was not an expression of official policy.The problem of intercultural interaction is now in the focus of not only politicians, philosophers, sociologists and culturologists, but also educational community. The trends of developing of modern society have created the necessity of direction of national policies on the development of the educational sector, which would be based on the principles of universalization. In this regard, in many countries of the world, the multicultural education has become the leading development strategy of multicultural society. ; У статті охарактеризовано соціально-культурні передумови виникнення полікультурної освіти. З'ясовано, що соціально-економічні та політичні трансформації пов'язані з процесами глобалізації. Розглянуто ознаки полікультурного суспільства, основною з яких є соціокультурна єдність. Представлено типи полікультурних суспільств за Г. Терборном. Дано визначення мультикультуралізму в значенні державної політики. Проаналізовано сутність полікультурної освіти.

The article examines English borrowings into French in the context of Canadian bilingualism in connection with Canadian language policy, which combines several centralized language policies implemented by the federal government and regional policies pursued by provincial governments, including Quebec. To understand and analyze such a linguistic phenomenon, the article briefly discusses the historical causes of Canadian bilingualism. The study focuses on the lexical, grammatical and phonetic features of Canadian French and suggests that borrowing from both British and American versions of English into French has led to a unique combination that can only be identified as an independent phenomenon. The characteristics of Canadian French vocabulary, spelling, and grammar discussed in this article illustrate that Canadian French cannot be fully identified with any other type of French. The Canadian version of the French language is expressive, authentic, including through borrowings from the English language. The study emphasizes that the Canadian version of the French language, provided constant interaction with the English language, is learned naturally, and the rules naturally. Bilingual speakers agree on universal rules without knowing them, share and use these rules, but never clearly study them, because it seems impossible to teach how to change the code and maintain the structural integrity of the statement. The findings contradict the expectation that borrowed words harm the language that borrows them, so it was found that bilingual speakers who speak both English and French implicitly understand and use the rules of both languages, and borrowing and switching codes do not lead to language erosion. ; У статті розглянуто питання англійських запозичень у французьку мову в умовах канадського білінгвізму у зв'язку із мовною політикою Канади, яка поєднує декілька централізованих мовних політик, що реалізуються федеральним урядом і регіональною політикою, яку проводять уряди провінцій, зокрема Квебеку. Для розуміння та аналізу такого мовного феномену у статті стисло розглянуто історичні причини виникнення канадського білінгвізму. Дослідження зосереджено на лексичних, граматичних та фонетичних особливостях канадської французької мови та свідчить про те, що запозичення як з британського, так і з американського варіантів англійської мови до французької мови призвели до унікального поєднання, яке неможливо не ідентифікувати як самостійне явище. Характеристики канадської французької лексики, орфографії та граматики, які розглянуто в статті, ілюструють, що канадська французька мова не може бути повністю ототожнена з жодним іншим різновидом французької мови. Канадський різновид французьскої мови є виразним, автентичним у тому числі завдяки запозиченням з англійської мови. Дослідження підкреслює, що канадський різновид французької мови, за умови постійної взаємодії з англійською мовою, засвоюється природним шляхом, а правила природним чином. Носії – білінгви домовляються про універсальні правила, не знаючи цього, поділяють та використовують ці правила, але ніколи їх чітко не вивчають, оскільки здається неможливим, навчити тому, як змінити код і підтримувати структурну цілісність висловлювання. Зроблені висновки суперечать очікуванню, що запозичені слова завдають шкоди мові, яка їх запозичує, отже встановлено, що двомовні носії, які говорять водночас англійською та французькою мовами, неявно розуміють правила обох мов та використовують їх, а запозичення та перемикання кодів не призводять до ерозії мови.

The article examines English borrowings into French in the context of Canadian bilingualism in connection with Canadian language policy, which combines several centralized language policies implemented by the federal government and regional policies pursued by provincial governments, including Quebec. To understand and analyze such a linguistic phenomenon, the article briefly discusses the historical causes of Canadian bilingualism. The study focuses on the lexical, grammatical and phonetic features of Canadian French and suggests that borrowing from both British and American versions of English into French has led to a unique combination that can only be identified as an independent phenomenon. The characteristics of Canadian French vocabulary, spelling, and grammar discussed in this article illustrate that Canadian French cannot be fully identified with any other type of French. The Canadian version of the French language is expressive, authentic, including through borrowings from the English language. The study emphasizes that the Canadian version of the French language, provided constant interaction with the English language, is learned naturally, and the rules naturally. Bilingual speakers agree on universal rules without knowing them, share and use these rules, but never clearly study them, because it seems impossible to teach how to change the code and maintain the structural integrity of the statement. The findings contradict the expectation that borrowed words harm the language that borrows them, so it was found that bilingual speakers who speak both English and French implicitly understand and use the rules of both languages, and borrowing and switching codes do not lead to language erosion. ; У статті розглянуто питання англійських запозичень у французьку мову в умовах канадського білінгвізму у зв'язку із мовною політикою Канади, яка поєднує декілька централізованих мовних політик, що реалізуються федеральним урядом і регіональною політикою, яку проводять уряди провінцій, зокрема Квебеку. Для розуміння та аналізу такого мовного феномену у статті стисло розглянуто історичні причини виникнення канадського білінгвізму. Дослідження зосереджено на лексичних, граматичних та фонетичних особливостях канадської французької мови та свідчить про те, що запозичення як з британського, так і з американського варіантів англійської мови до французької мови призвели до унікального поєднання, яке неможливо не ідентифікувати як самостійне явище. Характеристики канадської французької лексики, орфографії та граматики, які розглянуто в статті, ілюструють, що канадська французька мова не може бути повністю ототожнена з жодним іншим різновидом французької мови. Канадський різновид французьскої мови є виразним, автентичним у тому числі завдяки запозиченням з англійської мови. Дослідження підкреслює, що канадський різновид французької мови, за умови постійної взаємодії з англійською мовою, засвоюється природним шляхом, а правила природним чином. Носії – білінгви домовляються про універсальні правила, не знаючи цього, поділяють та використовують ці правила, але ніколи їх чітко не вивчають, оскільки здається неможливим, навчити тому, як змінити код і підтримувати структурну цілісність висловлювання. Зроблені висновки суперечать очікуванню, що запозичені слова завдають шкоди мові, яка їх запозичує, отже встановлено, що двомовні носії, які говорять водночас англійською та французькою мовами, неявно розуміють правила обох мов та використовують їх, а запозичення та перемикання кодів не призводять до ерозії мови.

At the present stage of development of the world community, accompanied by processes of globalization, when the world is «united», on the one hand, there is a natural strengthening of ties between the countries and peoples of the world, which is manifested in a certain degree of standardization of some cultural norms and principles perceived and used in the different countries, nations, ethnic groups etc. Instead, on the other hand, there is some increasing of the cultural differentiation and disintegration in various areas of public life, which were generated by the phenomenon of «ethnic and religious revival». This phenomenon is associated with an increase of the interest of traditional, sectional, heritable forms of identity (ethnic, religious, racial) and, accordingly, the traditional social practices.These phenomena cause frequent conflicts between different ethnic and national groups in multi-ethnic states. In the early XXI century such conflicts began to cover not only the countries and societies with the unfinished national unity, but also nation-states in Europe and America, where seemingly ethnic majority and minority groups are combined into a single nation-state «body» based on shared values, ideals and goals, but which have an inherent desire to preserve its cultural diversity.Therefore, there is so important to find and explore the new concepts and theoretical models that would allow to ensure peaceful, conflict-free co-existence of ethnic minorities within a common political space on the basis of mutual respect, respect each other's rights and cultural exchanges.Given the urgency and the need for further study of the problem, the author put a goal: 1) to identify and analyze the key concepts of co-existence of minorities in today's globalizing world; 2) to find out the advantages and disadvantages of each of the concepts, identifying the best option co-existence of minorities within a common political space.The object of the study is the national and ethnic minorities as a subject of political processes, and the subject is the modern concept of minorities' co-existence in the common political space.According to the Art. 1 of UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, it is reflected in the uniqueness and diversity of features that are inherent in groups and communities, of which humanity is created. This phenomenon is considered to be a source of exchange, innovation and creativity, thus it is defined not less need for human existence than biodiversity for the functioning of the world of nature as a whole.However, this variety generates now some problems of co-existence of different cultures. Along with the long-standing controversies of intercultural interaction in the multi-ethnic states, which are formed on this basis, a number of new problems continues to arise. It leads to the need to seek such theoretical concepts and form a practical policies based on these concepts, that would effectively solve the existing ethno-national disputes and prevent the emergence of the some new, based on consideration of the interests of both titular nations and national minorities living within these countries.The beginning of the 70s of the XX century was a time of the emergence of fundamentally new concept of co-existence between nations and cultures within a common political space, which are known as «multiculturalism». The basis of multiculturalism was the rejection of the idea of continuous civic integration in such semantic content, in which it remained dominant until that time. Instead, the key role is assigned to the promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity, «neighborhood» of communities within a single state.In one version, the term of «multiculturalism» began to be used in academic circles from 1957 in order to determine the official policy of Switzerland, which was based on the idea of uniting the various ethnic and cultural communities into one nation. According to statements by other researchers, «multiculturalism» as a scientific concept originated in Canada in the 1960s to refer the state of Anglo-French bi-culture in terms of the threat of Quebec separatism. Multiculturalism gained the official political recognition in 1971, when it was included as one of the basic principles of the Constitution of Canada to outline the new governmental course of this country has finally admitted the defeat of assimilation policy. Among the states, which are recognized officially multiculturalism, are the USA, Australia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland and others.Thus, by the beginning of 80's of the XX century the key tenets of the concept of multiculturalism reached the level of the fundamental principles of political practice of most Western countries and international organizations.There are Western scholars Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas, A. Perotti etc. among the most prominent theorists of multiculturalism. There are many critics of multiculturalism, such as representative of the British egalitarian liberalism B. Berry, A. Schlesinger-Jr., A. Bloom.As one of the founders of the concept of multiculturalism Ch. Taylor said, hat this phenomenon is a form of self-assertion. Multiculturalism is not only in the struggle for the recognition of individuals, but also the requirement to recognize their originality, identity of groups, slides to the other. According to Ch. Taylor, some cultures are independent nature; any individual can exist only as part of the culture.Addressing to the problem of political equality between the minority and majority of the multi-national society, another theorist of multiculturalism W. Kymlicka focuses on the problem of the significance and status of minorities. He said that national minorities have the right to consider themselves as the cultural-distinctive communities only if they are guided by liberal principles, recognizing the rights of other communities.W. Kymlicka believes that the state cannot be separated from the problems of ethnic and ethnicity in general. He recognizes that the demands of ethnic and religious groups about financial support of some cultural activities are fair, implying those stocks that support the wealth and diversity of cultural resources. It increases the stability of society and eliminates the disparities between ethnic and religious groups. Without some financial support from the state a significant amount of national minorities may simply disappear and lose their cultural identity. The researcher supports the cultural market. However, W. Kymlicka puts on the agenda such questions: 1) the reasons why society should support cultural diversity or originality; 2) the need of researching of immigrants' and national languages; 3) the issue of citizenship, which is connected directly to the problem of tolerance.The American political scientist Ch. Kukatas, exploring multiculturalism, offers five options of the community response to cultural diversity: isolation, assimilation, soft multiculturalism, hard multiculturalism, apartheid.According to the scientist, soft multiculturalism appears as the rejection of attempts to prevent the emergence of cultural diversity through isolation. On the other hand, it is the rejection of its strengthening using a policy of assimilation of ethnic minorities. The freedom to choose the degree of assimilation according to the desires of the individual should be guaranteed in society.A common characteristic of hard multiculturalism is that society should take active steps to ensure that minorities are not only full participators in society, but also provide maximum opportunities to maintain their identity and traditions. By diversity should be treated not just tolerated, it should be consolidated, promoted and supported, not only financially, but also through the provision for cultural minorities some special rights.For Russian scientist E. Pain, who researches ethnic and cultural diversity in society, multiculturalism is a «very fresh» concept, which appeared in the scientific use until the end of 1980 and in connection with his youth has not yet severe theoretical background. But the researcher said that despite this, the popularity of multiculturalism lies in its key postulate that recognizes the value of cultural diversity of the country (region, world) and the impossibility of ranking of crops (including ethnic) on a «lower – higher», «primary – secondary» etc.The Ukrainian researcher A. Kolodiy, focusing on the study of issues of ethnicity and ethnic policy, defines multiculturalism as a principle of national ethnic, educational, cultural policy that recognizes and supports the right of citizens to preserve, promote and protect by all lawful means the (ethno)cultural features, and commitments the state to support such citizens' efforts.Given the complexity of the term of «multiculturalism» and the presence of a number of different interpretations in modern political science, the Ukrainian researcher N. Vysotska identifies five scientific approaches to understanding of multiculturalism:- demographic and descriptive: multiculturalism is as a characteristic of the state or society with cultural, ethnic, racial diversity etc.;- political program: multiculturalism is defined as a set of political programs and activities aimed at providing practical co-existence of different minorities, based on consideration of their differences and respective needs and rights with maintaining of the national unity;- ideological and normative: multiculturalism is a collection of all sorts of ideological currents, which are based on the idea of cultural diversity;- social and transformative: multiculturalism is the specific activity of governmental institutions in the country to ensure elimination of any discrimination or restriction of the rights of minorities;- historical: multiculturalism appears as a need to study the causes and conditions for the emergence of cultural diversity within a single socio-political space.Analyzing the diversity of approaches to the definition of multiculturalism, we can add to the classification of N. Vysotska some another interpretation of the term as a separate principle, which can be the basis of ethnic policy that supports diversity in society.Thus, we can define the concept of multiculturalism as an ideology and political practices of cultural inhomogeneous society to official recognition and real security of minorities' rights at the public-state level and to support the restoration and development of different cultural systems.The descriptive characteristics of multiculturalism is to recognize the possibility of co-existence in the same political space of several different cultural, ethnic or other groups that are willing and able to reproduce its identity.However, this descriptive diversity does not give the rise to characterize the society that really delivers its existence and development. It creates a need of existence of some regulatory side of multiculturalism. It lies in the use of state of specific measures to ensure the rights, dignity and welfare of its citizens regardless of their ethnicity, race, religion, language etc.However, we must admit, that in practice the policy of multiculturalism, solving some problems in the functioning of multi-ethnic states, may cause the new problems. In particular, multiculturalism, which was offered by its theorists (Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas), causes the revival of group forms of cultural identity through the inhibition of individual cultural diversity. For example, Western countries, which were actively implementing in practice the policy of multiculturalism, witnessed the fact that citizens who because of certain objective or subjective circumstances have lost their group (ethnic, religious, racial etc.) identity, returned to it influenced by multiculturalism. It was due to the fact that the privileges granted by governments to support and develop of cultural and ethnic uniqueness concerned the groups rather than individuals. In similar cases found the expression such defect of multiculturalism as a tendency to increase the isolation of ethnic communities and the creation of artificial boundaries between them.A. Schlesinger-Jr. defines multiculturalism on this occasion as an ideological concept that leads by its nature to the replacement of social ideals: «from assimilation to fragmentary, from integration to separatism». The same view is held by A. Bloom, who insists that fragmentation and separatism are alarming in multiculturalism, and the concept of multiculturalism leads to neglect of personal rights of the individuals.The Russian scientist A. Borisov understands multiculturalism as a phenomenon of ethnic and cultural fragmentation of society that opposes culture as a national movement.Therefore, we can agree with E. Pain, who identifies the following defects of the political practices of multiculturalism:- multiculturalism as an official policy actually addresses the state support to the specific groups representing the national and ethno-cultural minority in the state. In this regard, using the benefits these groups wrongly assume the role of representing the interests of their ethnic group or all religions;- stimulating the state support of groups and communities, multiculturalism promotes the community identity by suppressing of the individual identity. A similar policy deprives a person of the possibility to choose, consolidating the power of the group to which it belongs over this person;- multiculturalism creates obstacles for individual integration of different minorities to civil society;- the policy of multiculturalism creates an artificial segregation of groups, forming «a kind of voluntarily ghetto».Not only the majority of scientists and experts in the field of national and ethno-cultural policy are agree with this claim, but also the broad political circles. For example, the evidence of this fact is that in 2009 the Council of Europe issued «The White Book of Intercultural Dialogue» in which critically assessed the concept of cultural assimilation and the theory and practice of multiculturalism.As a result, in the early ХХІ century even those states, where multiculturalism was enshrined at the constitutional level, began to refuse from its use. Therefore it was necessary to find a fundamentally new concept and a political practice that takes into account the defects of previous concepts and would allow solving the problem of co-existence of different cultural and ethnic communities in the political space. One such attempt was the strategy of division of the sphere of culture. It says that in public sphere the maintenance of cultural homogeneity of representatives of all ethnic, religious, racial and other groups is encouraged. It based on the recognition and observance of formal rules that are common for all citizens of the state, and the principles of implementation, controlled by civil society. In the private sector, on the contrary, this concept gives the preference to cultural diversity. The ideological inspirers of the strategy of division of the sphere of culture emphasize that this model can be considered a compromise, because it creates the opportunities for the rights and freedoms of the individual regardless of cultural, ethnic, national, racial identity, on the one hand, and will provide unity and integrity of contemporary multicultural, multi-ethnic society, on the other hand.However, we must admit that this model of co-existence generates a question: is it possible and how to draw a line in real social life between the public and private sectors? In practice we see that the distinction between these spheres of human life and society is quite thin, because they are intertwined with each other. For example, if members of certain ethnic groups will to dress up in traditional clothing, it is an expression of his individual rights, freedom of choice with regard to the private sector. It generates a question: do they have the right to appear in this form in the streets within the state of their residence, where the titular nation is different from other by traditions in dress? It can apply to using of the language of community: does the model of division of the sphere of culture mean that minorities have the right to use their own language only at home, but in public places they must use only official language of the state in which they live? Or, for example, members of religion groups have a personal, «private» right to practice their faith and religious worship. But do they have the right to build their own churches in their places of residence, where they constitute an ethnic or religious minority? In this case, their freedom to practice their religion will go from the private sphere into the public sector, where the different doctrine can be declared as the official religion.Thus, the continuity of the public and private spheres of life points to the most obvious defect of the model of division of the sphere of culture. This defect is embedded in the title of concept. It generates the impossibility of its realization in practice and the need to find the new strategies of ethno-national cultural policy.One such model is the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice proposed by the famous philosopher and scientist, Nobel Prize in Economics A. Sen. Its main idea is the gradual weakening of group forms of identification and moving to individual choice. «Cultural liberty» is giving to individuals the right to live and exist according to their own choice, with a real opportunity to evaluate other options. A. Sen emphasizes that «the large number of existing injustices in the world remains and thrives because they turn their victims into allies, depriving them of the possibility to choose a different life and preventing their learning about the existence of another life». That's ethnic, religious and other cultural traditions of groups are not willingly, they are prescribed from birth. Therefore, the main objective of the policy of promoting cultural liberty is the weakening of traditions. The concept considers the cultural diversity as a tool for implementing of cultural freedom when «due to it the cultural range of social life and possibility of choosing are expanding». But the concept of cultural freedom hasn't become the norm in Western countries because there is a difficulty with the development of mechanisms for public policy which can break the power of traditions, customs, attitudes, mentality etc.The modern theorists and practitioners offer to combine all advantages of multiculturalism and the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice in the model of interkulturalism. Interkulturalism based on the idea of cultural diversity in the world and countries, but in contrast to multiculturalism, which offers the neighborliness between communities and cultures, it focused on the finding some ways of interaction of these different communities as members of different cultural systems. Interkulturalism requires a common interest of different nationalities and religions shared by a common sense of public responsibility for their country.Thus, we can admit multiculturalism, the concept of division of the sphere of culture, the model of individual freedom and cultural choices and interkulturalism are the key modern concepts of co-existence of ethnic and national minorities in the political space. These theories are based on the recognition and consideration of the fact of multiculturalism of globalizing world, separate states and societies. The differences between them lie mainly in the mechanisms proposed for use to assist the maintenance and development of different national, ethnic, religious, linguistic, racial and other minorities. Multiculturalism offers a policy of «neighborhood» of minorities on the principles of mutual recognition and tolerance. But it contributes to the strengthening of group and the suppression of individual identification of a person, leading sometimes to the increasing of segregation, intergroup hostility through the using of state measures to promote some individual communities. The model of division of the sphere of culture has a disadvantage: it proposes the distribution of culture to private and public sector, but doesn't include the fact that they are inseparable in real life. Hence its principles lose the ability to be realized in social and political life. The concept of individual freedom and cultural choice advocates the promoting to overcome the certainty of norms and values for members of communities, urging them to make independent choices, but does not offer some specific mechanisms to overcome the force of customs, traditions and mentality. Interkulturalism is the most optimal concept that favors to find some ways of interaction between different communities and different cultures. The common interests of citizens of different nationalities and religions are one of these ways. All citizens are united by common sense of public responsibility for their own state. ; Статья посвящена анализу современных концепций сосуществования национально-этнических меньшинств в пределах общего политического пространства. Сделана попытка определить преимущества и недостатки каждой из них, а также сделать вывод о наиболее оптимальной модели сосуществования меньшинств сегодня в глобализирующемся мире. ; Статтю присвячено аналізові сучасних концепцій співіснування національно-етнічних меншин у межах спільного політичного простору. Зроблено спробу окреслити переваги та недоліки кожної з них, а також зробити висновок про найбільш оптимальну модель співіснування меншин на сьогодні у світі, що глобалізується.