Quebec separatism
In: Foreign affairs, Band 74, Heft 3, S. 197
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Foreign affairs, Band 74, Heft 3, S. 197
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Studies in political economy: SPE, Band 32, Heft 1, S. 195-201
ISSN: 1918-7033
In: Foreign affairs, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 734-744
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 69-82
ISSN: 1552-3349
This chapter examines aspects of the history of sport in Quebec, from its origins as a series of anglo-elite gentlemanly pastimes to its place as a vector for national affirmation among francophones and others in the province. The chapter shows that sport has been implicated in the turbulent political culture of Quebec since the mid-nineteenth century. Sport has been a site where the interests of Quebec's First Nations, Anglophone, francophone, and immigrant communities have been articulated – sometimes in consensus, sometimes in conflict. Sport reflects the complex ethnic history and cultural present of the province. In Quebec, sport is at once a catalyst, a proxy, and a mirror for the national question.
BASE
In: New politics: a journal of socialist thought, Band 5, S. 44-48
ISSN: 0028-6494
Discusses the preparations & aftermath of the narrowly failed referendum to grant Quebec independent status from the rest of Canada. It is argued that Canada's huge debt, deteriorating social programs, & high unemployment have sparked a movement for consititutional renewal that has been made more urgent by Quebec's requests for special status. Although the 1995 attempt failed, the 1997 referendum seems likely to pass & requires careful consideration of the cultural & economic impacts of this separation. Canada will lose its identity as a bilingual & bicultural community, while Quebec must face its share of the Canadian national debt in addition to the unknown costs & risks of secession. Further, the predominant political power in Quebec, the Parti quebecois (PQ), has lost sight of broader goals & policies during the hostile debate over secession. It is concluded that once Quebec achieves special status, the PQ will be split between nationalists & separatists, & that care must be taken to ensure that the diversity & tolerance celebrated by the nationalists will not be lost in the separated state. T. Sevier
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 445-460
ISSN: 0030-4387
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 41, Heft 3, S. 445-460
ISSN: 0030-4387
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 132-133
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 79, Heft 460, S. 134-137
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 72, Heft 426, S. 154-157
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 29
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Canadian public policy: Analyse de politiques, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 584
ISSN: 1911-9917
In: New politics: a journal of socialist thought, Band 4, S. 27-40
ISSN: 0028-6494
By Oct 1992, voters in Canada's French-speaking province will respond to a referendum on sovereignty, the second such vote in twelve years. Among the developments accounting for this unforeseen revival of nationalism is francophone dissatisfaction with the Charter of Rights & Freedoms in Canada's Constitutional Act of 1982, an innovation that threatens Quebec's ability to protect its linguistic heritage. An even more significant ingredient is the transformation of the Quebec economy under the nationalist Parti Quebecois government of Rene Levesque, which, after losing the referendum of 1980, abandoned its labor orientation to become Canada's most probusiness government in the 1980s. It is because of the success of this transition to market nationalism that Quebec holds such a strong bargaining position in the current round of constitutional negotiations. It also explains the province's enthusiastic backing of the North American Free Trade Agreement recently concluded between the US & Canada, an arrangement that has created much anti-Quebec sentiment elsewhere in Canada, especially on the left. 10 References. AA
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 861-887
ISSN: 1744-9324
Abstract.The Quebec labour movement's decision to withdraw its support for Canada's federal system in the 1970s and instead embrace the sovereignist option was unquestionably linked to the intersection of class and nation in Quebec. In this period, unions saw the sovereignist project as part of a larger socialist or social democratic societal project. Because the economic inequalities related to ethnic class, which fuelled the labour movement's support for sovereignty in the 1970s, were no longer as prevalent by the time of Quebec's 1995 referendum, organized labour's continued support for the sovereignist option in the post-referendum period cannot adequately be explained using the traditional lens of class and nation. This paper employs an institutional comparative analysis of Quebec's three largest trade union centrals with a view to demonstrating that organized labour's primary basis for supporting sovereignty has changed considerably over time. While unions have not completely abandoned a class-based approach to the national question, they have tended to downplay class division in favour of an emphasis on Quebec's uniqueness and the importance of preserving the collective francophone identity of the nation. Party–union relations, the changing cultural, political and economic basis of the sovereignist project and the emergence of neoliberalism in Quebec are offered as key explanatory factors for the labour movement's shift in focus.Résumé.La décision du mouvement syndical québécois de retirer son soutien du système fédéral, dans les années 1970, et d'embrasser l'option souverainiste, a été liée incontestablement à l'intersection de classe et nation au Québec. Dans cette période, les syndicats ont vu le projet souverainiste en tant qu'élément d'un plus grand projet de société à caractère social démocratique ou socialiste. Toutefois, puisque les inégalités économiques associées à la classe ethnique qui avaient poussé le mouvement syndical dans le camp de la souveraineté n'étaient plus aussi prononcées lors du référendum de 1995, l'analyse traditionnelle de classe et nation ne peut plus expliquer le maintien de sa position souverainiste durant la période postréférendaire. Cet article se fonde sur une analyse comparative et institutionnelle des trois plus grandes centrales syndicales québécoises en vue de démontrer que les motifs premiers de l'appui syndical au projet souverainiste ont changé considérablement avec le temps. Même si les syndicats n'ont pas complètement abandonné l'approche militante surla question nationale, ils ont relégué les divisions de classes au second plan et plutôt mis l'accent sur le caractère distinct du Québec et sur l'importance de préserver l'identité francophone collective de la nation. Les relations entre les syndicats et les partis politiques, la base culturelle, politique et économique du projet souverainiste, et l'introduction du néolibéralisme au Québec sont présentées en tant que facteurs principaux expliquant l'évolution de la position syndicale à l'égard de la question nationale.