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In recent debates over multiculturalism and Islam homosexuality has been granted a remarkable role, in several European countries and elsewhere, in attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries. This essay tries to answer the question why this is the case by concentrating on the signifying power of homosexuality in modern political culture. It argues that homosexuality's signifying power derives from its cultural status as a fundamental and natural truth about the person. The combined elements of truth and nature make homosexuality a cultural category that can effectively be deployed to establish truths in fields other than those that pertain to same-sex sexuality strictly speaking. Of particular relevance to debates about the nation and its identity is the fact that the notion of homosexuality as natural partly rests on nineteenth-century discourses of racial difference. The racial elements in the construction of modern homosexuality re-appear in contemporary attempts to redefine the nation and to re-establish its boundaries, but with an important difference. Homosexuality is no longer, as in the past, associated with blackness and Jewishness; it has become white. Adapted from the source document.

About some good of scientific blindness.
The manner in which Mozambican society is being ideologically penetrated by State power reflects a certain primary ignorance — assumed politically — of social relations of the peoples over whom authority is exercised. Be it the disparities in rural social relation, the social expectations surrounding racial distinction, taking into consideration indigenous languages etc., all are issues around which a taboo has been created by the microcosm of FRELIMO cadres, be they white, mullato or internationalist experts.

International audience ; Following the waves of protest that rocked American society during the 1960s, and in order to address the enduring inequalities, the United States adopted a series of multicultural policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and greater social justice. From then on, the concept of multiculturalism gained considerable currency in national political discourses, the mainstream media and academic circles, becoming thereby a progressive approach to addressing race-based issues of which the American society had great difficulty grappling with. Despite the hopes multicultural programs raised among racial and ethnic minorities, and even if the figures at the time seemed to reflect a more inclusive welfare state, it appeared, as early as the 1980s, that America had not yet entered into a post-civil rights era. Yet, neo-conservatives undertook to dismantle key social programs related to multiculturalism, and instead subscribed to the ideal of an American society organized solely on the basis of social justice regardless of colour, "race" or ethnic origin. The article primarily examines the theoretical and political issues raised by multiculturalism and Critical Race Theory in the field of education – the first accused of reproducing at another level patterns of racial domination or serving as an instrument for the deracialization of American society, the second, in reaction to the perceived limits of multiculturalism and neoliberal policies, seeks to unveil the institutional and discursive mechanisms that contribute to the perpetuation of racial inequalities. ; Del multiculturalismo a la Teoría Racial Crítica. Reflexiones sobre la educación y los procesos de desracialización de la experiencia afroamericanaTras las olas de protesta que hicieron tambalear la sociedad estadounidense durante los 60, y ante la persistente desigualdad, los Estados Unidos han adoptado una serie de políticas y programas multiculturales destinados a promover la diversidad cultural y una mayor justicia ...

The North American researchers who looked at Latin America and the Caribbean have traditionally analysed them in terms of weaving, racial continuum and harmony of inter-ethnic relations, thus highlighting the contrast with the bi-polarisation and conflict associated with the United States. However, this enchanting vision of the south of the continent forgets that Latin American and Caribbean societies are based on a principle of socio-racial organisation, inherited from slavery, and conceals the permanence of racial discrimination, which is now criticised by the introduction of multiculturalism inspired by positive discrimination, which in particular confers specific rights on the 'Afro-American people' in several legislative and constitutional texts. By looking at researchers from the Chicago tradition (mainly Park, Hughes and Goffman), it is a question of looking at the scope of their concepts, reinterpreted in a situation that is out of step with their conditions of appearance, while analysing the mechanisms of the transition — if there is a transition — from the weaving to multiculturalism in Latin America and the Caribbean, relying mainly on the examples of Brazil and Colombia. ; Les chercheurs nord américains qui se sont penchés sur l'Amérique latine et la Caraïbe les ont traditionnellement analysées en termes de métissage, de continuum racial, d'harmonie des relations inter-ethniques, mettant ainsi en lumière le contraste avec la bi-polarisation et la conflictualité associées aux Etats-Unis. Pourtant cette vision enchantée du sud du continent oublie que les sociétés latino-américaines et caribéennes reposent sur un principe d'organisation socio-raciale, hérité de l'esclavage, et cache la permanence de discriminations raciales, aujourd'hui dénoncées à travers l'introduction d'un multiculturalisme s'inspirant de la discrimination positive, qui attribue notamment, dans plusieurs textes législatifs et constitutionnels, des droits spécifiques aux " populations afro-américaines ". A travers le regard des ...

International audience ; Determining or naming people using ethnic categories is forbidden according to the so-called French Republican integration pattern. Yet designating and describing them are two types of categorisation, each one corresponding to two ways of dealing with these "minorities". The first being the judicial and administrative approach – the institutional one; and the second the ethnic and racial vision – which is popular. It is in the very implicit and ambiguous connection of these two representations (Streiff-Fénart, 1998), in which the ethnic categorisation is involved and deals with the acceptance of the other.While recreating the socio-historical process of the immigrant naming from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article aims at questioning the speech devices used in habitat and housing policies in the Lyon agglomeration. In other words our goal is to analyse how to tackle the immigrant problem in housing policy, and how it is applied in public policy. Using ethnic naming and technical tools ("seuil de tolérance" i.e. the level of acceptance; the markers of social mix) enable to highlight the ideological pre-conceived perceptions, neither defined nor analysed – i.e. concentrating, the population balance. ; En France, selon le modèle dit d'intégration républicaine, les populations ne doivent pas être déterminées ni nommées selon des catégories ethniques. Pourtant, pour les désigner et les décrire coexistent deux types de dispositifs de catégorisation, chacun correspondant à deux façons de traiter ces « minorités » : un dispositif juridico-administratif et un dispositif ethnico-racial. C'est dans la mise en correspondance implicite et floue de ces deux dispositifs (Streiff-Fénart, 1998) que se nouerait le recours à la catégorisation ethnique et l'acceptation de l'altérité.A travers la reconstitution du processus socio-historique du mode de désignation des immigrés (années 1970 – 2000), l'objectif de cet article est d'interroger les éléments discursifs employés dans le cadre des politiques de ...

International audience ; Determining or naming people using ethnic categories is forbidden according to the so-called French Republican integration pattern. Yet designating and describing them are two types of categorisation, each one corresponding to two ways of dealing with these "minorities". The first being the judicial and administrative approach – the institutional one; and the second the ethnic and racial vision – which is popular. It is in the very implicit and ambiguous connection of these two representations (Streiff-Fénart, 1998), in which the ethnic categorisation is involved and deals with the acceptance of the other.While recreating the socio-historical process of the immigrant naming from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article aims at questioning the speech devices used in habitat and housing policies in the Lyon agglomeration. In other words our goal is to analyse how to tackle the immigrant problem in housing policy, and how it is applied in public policy. Using ethnic naming and technical tools ("seuil de tolérance" i.e. the level of acceptance; the markers of social mix) enable to highlight the ideological pre-conceived perceptions, neither defined nor analysed – i.e. concentrating, the population balance. ; En France, selon le modèle dit d'intégration républicaine, les populations ne doivent pas être déterminées ni nommées selon des catégories ethniques. Pourtant, pour les désigner et les décrire coexistent deux types de dispositifs de catégorisation, chacun correspondant à deux façons de traiter ces « minorités » : un dispositif juridico-administratif et un dispositif ethnico-racial. C'est dans la mise en correspondance implicite et floue de ces deux dispositifs (Streiff-Fénart, 1998) que se nouerait le recours à la catégorisation ethnique et l'acceptation de l'altérité.A travers la reconstitution du processus socio-historique du mode de désignation des immigrés (années 1970 – 2000), l'objectif de cet article est d'interroger les éléments discursifs employés dans le cadre des politiques de ...

International audience ; Determining or naming people using ethnic categories is forbidden according to the so-called French Republican integration pattern. Yet designating and describing them are two types of categorisation, each one corresponding to two ways of dealing with these "minorities". The first being the judicial and administrative approach – the institutional one; and the second the ethnic and racial vision – which is popular. It is in the very implicit and ambiguous connection of these two representations (Streiff-Fénart, 1998), in which the ethnic categorisation is involved and deals with the acceptance of the other.While recreating the socio-historical process of the immigrant naming from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article aims at questioning the speech devices used in habitat and housing policies in the Lyon agglomeration. In other words our goal is to analyse how to tackle the immigrant problem in housing policy, and how it is applied in public policy. Using ethnic naming and technical tools ("seuil de tolérance" i.e. the level of acceptance; the markers of social mix) enable to highlight the ideological pre-conceived perceptions, neither defined nor analysed – i.e. concentrating, the population balance. ; En France, selon le modèle dit d'intégration républicaine, les populations ne doivent pas être déterminées ni nommées selon des catégories ethniques. Pourtant, pour les désigner et les décrire coexistent deux types de dispositifs de catégorisation, chacun correspondant à deux façons de traiter ces « minorités » : un dispositif juridico-administratif et un dispositif ethnico-racial. C'est dans la mise en correspondance implicite et floue de ces deux dispositifs (Streiff-Fénart, 1998) que se nouerait le recours à la catégorisation ethnique et l'acceptation de l'altérité.A travers la reconstitution du processus socio-historique du mode de désignation des immigrés (années 1970 – 2000), l'objectif de cet article est d'interroger les éléments discursifs employés dans le cadre des politiques de ...

International audience ; Determining or naming people using ethnic categories is forbidden according to the so-called French Republican integration pattern. Yet designating and describing them are two types of categorisation, each one corresponding to two ways of dealing with these "minorities". The first being the judicial and administrative approach – the institutional one; and the second the ethnic and racial vision – which is popular. It is in the very implicit and ambiguous connection of these two representations (Streiff-Fénart, 1998), in which the ethnic categorisation is involved and deals with the acceptance of the other.While recreating the socio-historical process of the immigrant naming from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article aims at questioning the speech devices used in habitat and housing policies in the Lyon agglomeration. In other words our goal is to analyse how to tackle the immigrant problem in housing policy, and how it is applied in public policy. Using ethnic naming and technical tools ("seuil de tolérance" i.e. the level of acceptance; the markers of social mix) enable to highlight the ideological pre-conceived perceptions, neither defined nor analysed – i.e. concentrating, the population balance. ; En France, selon le modèle dit d'intégration républicaine, les populations ne doivent pas être déterminées ni nommées selon des catégories ethniques. Pourtant, pour les désigner et les décrire coexistent deux types de dispositifs de catégorisation, chacun correspondant à deux façons de traiter ces « minorités » : un dispositif juridico-administratif et un dispositif ethnico-racial. C'est dans la mise en correspondance implicite et floue de ces deux dispositifs (Streiff-Fénart, 1998) que se nouerait le recours à la catégorisation ethnique et l'acceptation de l'altérité.A travers la reconstitution du processus socio-historique du mode de désignation des immigrés (années 1970 – 2000), l'objectif de cet article est d'interroger les éléments discursifs employés dans le cadre des politiques de ...

International audience ; Determining or naming people using ethnic categories is forbidden according to the so-called French Republican integration pattern. Yet designating and describing them are two types of categorisation, each one corresponding to two ways of dealing with these "minorities". The first being the judicial and administrative approach – the institutional one; and the second the ethnic and racial vision – which is popular. It is in the very implicit and ambiguous connection of these two representations (Streiff-Fénart, 1998), in which the ethnic categorisation is involved and deals with the acceptance of the other.While recreating the socio-historical process of the immigrant naming from the 1970s to the 2000s, the article aims at questioning the speech devices used in habitat and housing policies in the Lyon agglomeration. In other words our goal is to analyse how to tackle the immigrant problem in housing policy, and how it is applied in public policy. Using ethnic naming and technical tools ("seuil de tolérance" i.e. the level of acceptance; the markers of social mix) enable to highlight the ideological pre-conceived perceptions, neither defined nor analysed – i.e. concentrating, the population balance. ; En France, selon le modèle dit d'intégration républicaine, les populations ne doivent pas être déterminées ni nommées selon des catégories ethniques. Pourtant, pour les désigner et les décrire coexistent deux types de dispositifs de catégorisation, chacun correspondant à deux façons de traiter ces « minorités » : un dispositif juridico-administratif et un dispositif ethnico-racial. C'est dans la mise en correspondance implicite et floue de ces deux dispositifs (Streiff-Fénart, 1998) que se nouerait le recours à la catégorisation ethnique et l'acceptation de l'altérité.A travers la reconstitution du processus socio-historique du mode de désignation des immigrés (années 1970 – 2000), l'objectif de cet article est d'interroger les éléments discursifs employés dans le cadre des politiques de ...

Jazz and pentecostalism are contemporaries, arising out of the same ethnic-racial mixture, the same slums of vast American cities. Here the author analyses the conditions of their emergence and their meeting, their common characteristics, factors contributing to their times of force and weakness. He describes how these two children long misunderstood, even abused, by the American experience have succeeded as far as to "become highways along which the whole world is moving".

Two thousand hills for the small and the tall : radioscopy of Hutu and Tutsi stereotypes in Rwanda.
The west tends to feed itself with stereotypes when dealing with Rwanda and Burundi. During the colonial period, a hierarchy-based racial ideology has established wich distinguishes three courses of identification : Tutsi, Hutu and Twa. This discourse was retained in its broad lines by some anthropologists after indepetulance. More seriously, younger generations in Rwanda and Burundi have internalized this ethnic analysis and their national realities.