Suchergebnisse

At the present stage of development of the world community, accompanied by processes of globalization, when the world is «united», on the one hand, there is a natural strengthening of ties between the countries and peoples of the world, which is manifested in a certain degree of standardization of some cultural norms and principles perceived and used in the different countries, nations, ethnic groups etc. Instead, on the other hand, there is some increasing of the cultural differentiation and disintegration in various areas of public life, which were generated by the phenomenon of «ethnic and religious revival». This phenomenon is associated with an increase of the interest of traditional, sectional, heritable forms of identity (ethnic, religious, racial) and, accordingly, the traditional social practices.These phenomena cause frequent conflicts between different ethnic and national groups in multi-ethnic states. In the early XXI century such conflicts began to cover not only the countries and societies with the unfinished national unity, but also nation-states in Europe and America, where seemingly ethnic majority and minority groups are combined into a single nation-state «body» based on shared values, ideals and goals, but which have an inherent desire to preserve its cultural diversity.Therefore, there is so important to find and explore the new concepts and theoretical models that would allow to ensure peaceful, conflict-free co-existence of ethnic minorities within a common political space on the basis of mutual respect, respect each other's rights and cultural exchanges.Given the urgency and the need for further study of the problem, the author put a goal: 1) to identify and analyze the key concepts of co-existence of minorities in today's globalizing world; 2) to find out the advantages and disadvantages of each of the concepts, identifying the best option co-existence of minorities within a common political space.The object of the study is the national and ethnic minorities as a subject of political processes, and the subject is the modern concept of minorities' co-existence in the common political space.According to the Art. 1 of UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, it is reflected in the uniqueness and diversity of features that are inherent in groups and communities, of which humanity is created. This phenomenon is considered to be a source of exchange, innovation and creativity, thus it is defined not less need for human existence than biodiversity for the functioning of the world of nature as a whole.However, this variety generates now some problems of co-existence of different cultures. Along with the long-standing controversies of intercultural interaction in the multi-ethnic states, which are formed on this basis, a number of new problems continues to arise. It leads to the need to seek such theoretical concepts and form a practical policies based on these concepts, that would effectively solve the existing ethno-national disputes and prevent the emergence of the some new, based on consideration of the interests of both titular nations and national minorities living within these countries.The beginning of the 70s of the XX century was a time of the emergence of fundamentally new concept of co-existence between nations and cultures within a common political space, which are known as «multiculturalism». The basis of multiculturalism was the rejection of the idea of continuous civic integration in such semantic content, in which it remained dominant until that time. Instead, the key role is assigned to the promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity, «neighborhood» of communities within a single state.In one version, the term of «multiculturalism» began to be used in academic circles from 1957 in order to determine the official policy of Switzerland, which was based on the idea of uniting the various ethnic and cultural communities into one nation. According to statements by other researchers, «multiculturalism» as a scientific concept originated in Canada in the 1960s to refer the state of Anglo-French bi-culture in terms of the threat of Quebec separatism. Multiculturalism gained the official political recognition in 1971, when it was included as one of the basic principles of the Constitution of Canada to outline the new governmental course of this country has finally admitted the defeat of assimilation policy. Among the states, which are recognized officially multiculturalism, are the USA, Australia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland and others.Thus, by the beginning of 80's of the XX century the key tenets of the concept of multiculturalism reached the level of the fundamental principles of political practice of most Western countries and international organizations.There are Western scholars Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas, A. Perotti etc. among the most prominent theorists of multiculturalism. There are many critics of multiculturalism, such as representative of the British egalitarian liberalism B. Berry, A. Schlesinger-Jr., A. Bloom.As one of the founders of the concept of multiculturalism Ch. Taylor said, hat this phenomenon is a form of self-assertion. Multiculturalism is not only in the struggle for the recognition of individuals, but also the requirement to recognize their originality, identity of groups, slides to the other. According to Ch. Taylor, some cultures are independent nature; any individual can exist only as part of the culture.Addressing to the problem of political equality between the minority and majority of the multi-national society, another theorist of multiculturalism W. Kymlicka focuses on the problem of the significance and status of minorities. He said that national minorities have the right to consider themselves as the cultural-distinctive communities only if they are guided by liberal principles, recognizing the rights of other communities.W. Kymlicka believes that the state cannot be separated from the problems of ethnic and ethnicity in general. He recognizes that the demands of ethnic and religious groups about financial support of some cultural activities are fair, implying those stocks that support the wealth and diversity of cultural resources. It increases the stability of society and eliminates the disparities between ethnic and religious groups. Without some financial support from the state a significant amount of national minorities may simply disappear and lose their cultural identity. The researcher supports the cultural market. However, W. Kymlicka puts on the agenda such questions: 1) the reasons why society should support cultural diversity or originality; 2) the need of researching of immigrants' and national languages; 3) the issue of citizenship, which is connected directly to the problem of tolerance.The American political scientist Ch. Kukatas, exploring multiculturalism, offers five options of the community response to cultural diversity: isolation, assimilation, soft multiculturalism, hard multiculturalism, apartheid.According to the scientist, soft multiculturalism appears as the rejection of attempts to prevent the emergence of cultural diversity through isolation. On the other hand, it is the rejection of its strengthening using a policy of assimilation of ethnic minorities. The freedom to choose the degree of assimilation according to the desires of the individual should be guaranteed in society.A common characteristic of hard multiculturalism is that society should take active steps to ensure that minorities are not only full participators in society, but also provide maximum opportunities to maintain their identity and traditions. By diversity should be treated not just tolerated, it should be consolidated, promoted and supported, not only financially, but also through the provision for cultural minorities some special rights.For Russian scientist E. Pain, who researches ethnic and cultural diversity in society, multiculturalism is a «very fresh» concept, which appeared in the scientific use until the end of 1980 and in connection with his youth has not yet severe theoretical background. But the researcher said that despite this, the popularity of multiculturalism lies in its key postulate that recognizes the value of cultural diversity of the country (region, world) and the impossibility of ranking of crops (including ethnic) on a «lower – higher», «primary – secondary» etc.The Ukrainian researcher A. Kolodiy, focusing on the study of issues of ethnicity and ethnic policy, defines multiculturalism as a principle of national ethnic, educational, cultural policy that recognizes and supports the right of citizens to preserve, promote and protect by all lawful means the (ethno)cultural features, and commitments the state to support such citizens' efforts.Given the complexity of the term of «multiculturalism» and the presence of a number of different interpretations in modern political science, the Ukrainian researcher N. Vysotska identifies five scientific approaches to understanding of multiculturalism:- demographic and descriptive: multiculturalism is as a characteristic of the state or society with cultural, ethnic, racial diversity etc.;- political program: multiculturalism is defined as a set of political programs and activities aimed at providing practical co-existence of different minorities, based on consideration of their differences and respective needs and rights with maintaining of the national unity;- ideological and normative: multiculturalism is a collection of all sorts of ideological currents, which are based on the idea of cultural diversity;- social and transformative: multiculturalism is the specific activity of governmental institutions in the country to ensure elimination of any discrimination or restriction of the rights of minorities;- historical: multiculturalism appears as a need to study the causes and conditions for the emergence of cultural diversity within a single socio-political space.Analyzing the diversity of approaches to the definition of multiculturalism, we can add to the classification of N. Vysotska some another interpretation of the term as a separate principle, which can be the basis of ethnic policy that supports diversity in society.Thus, we can define the concept of multiculturalism as an ideology and political practices of cultural inhomogeneous society to official recognition and real security of minorities' rights at the public-state level and to support the restoration and development of different cultural systems.The descriptive characteristics of multiculturalism is to recognize the possibility of co-existence in the same political space of several different cultural, ethnic or other groups that are willing and able to reproduce its identity.However, this descriptive diversity does not give the rise to characterize the society that really delivers its existence and development. It creates a need of existence of some regulatory side of multiculturalism. It lies in the use of state of specific measures to ensure the rights, dignity and welfare of its citizens regardless of their ethnicity, race, religion, language etc.However, we must admit, that in practice the policy of multiculturalism, solving some problems in the functioning of multi-ethnic states, may cause the new problems. In particular, multiculturalism, which was offered by its theorists (Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas), causes the revival of group forms of cultural identity through the inhibition of individual cultural diversity. For example, Western countries, which were actively implementing in practice the policy of multiculturalism, witnessed the fact that citizens who because of certain objective or subjective circumstances have lost their group (ethnic, religious, racial etc.) identity, returned to it influenced by multiculturalism. It was due to the fact that the privileges granted by governments to support and develop of cultural and ethnic uniqueness concerned the groups rather than individuals. In similar cases found the expression such defect of multiculturalism as a tendency to increase the isolation of ethnic communities and the creation of artificial boundaries between them.A. Schlesinger-Jr. defines multiculturalism on this occasion as an ideological concept that leads by its nature to the replacement of social ideals: «from assimilation to fragmentary, from integration to separatism». The same view is held by A. Bloom, who insists that fragmentation and separatism are alarming in multiculturalism, and the concept of multiculturalism leads to neglect of personal rights of the individuals.The Russian scientist A. Borisov understands multiculturalism as a phenomenon of ethnic and cultural fragmentation of society that opposes culture as a national movement.Therefore, we can agree with E. Pain, who identifies the following defects of the political practices of multiculturalism:- multiculturalism as an official policy actually addresses the state support to the specific groups representing the national and ethno-cultural minority in the state. In this regard, using the benefits these groups wrongly assume the role of representing the interests of their ethnic group or all religions;- stimulating the state support of groups and communities, multiculturalism promotes the community identity by suppressing of the individual identity. A similar policy deprives a person of the possibility to choose, consolidating the power of the group to which it belongs over this person;- multiculturalism creates obstacles for individual integration of different minorities to civil society;- the policy of multiculturalism creates an artificial segregation of groups, forming «a kind of voluntarily ghetto».Not only the majority of scientists and experts in the field of national and ethno-cultural policy are agree with this claim, but also the broad political circles. For example, the evidence of this fact is that in 2009 the Council of Europe issued «The White Book of Intercultural Dialogue» in which critically assessed the concept of cultural assimilation and the theory and practice of multiculturalism.As a result, in the early ХХІ century even those states, where multiculturalism was enshrined at the constitutional level, began to refuse from its use. Therefore it was necessary to find a fundamentally new concept and a political practice that takes into account the defects of previous concepts and would allow solving the problem of co-existence of different cultural and ethnic communities in the political space. One such attempt was the strategy of division of the sphere of culture. It says that in public sphere the maintenance of cultural homogeneity of representatives of all ethnic, religious, racial and other groups is encouraged. It based on the recognition and observance of formal rules that are common for all citizens of the state, and the principles of implementation, controlled by civil society. In the private sector, on the contrary, this concept gives the preference to cultural diversity. The ideological inspirers of the strategy of division of the sphere of culture emphasize that this model can be considered a compromise, because it creates the opportunities for the rights and freedoms of the individual regardless of cultural, ethnic, national, racial identity, on the one hand, and will provide unity and integrity of contemporary multicultural, multi-ethnic society, on the other hand.However, we must admit that this model of co-existence generates a question: is it possible and how to draw a line in real social life between the public and private sectors? In practice we see that the distinction between these spheres of human life and society is quite thin, because they are intertwined with each other. For example, if members of certain ethnic groups will to dress up in traditional clothing, it is an expression of his individual rights, freedom of choice with regard to the private sector. It generates a question: do they have the right to appear in this form in the streets within the state of their residence, where the titular nation is different from other by traditions in dress? It can apply to using of the language of community: does the model of division of the sphere of culture mean that minorities have the right to use their own language only at home, but in public places they must use only official language of the state in which they live? Or, for example, members of religion groups have a personal, «private» right to practice their faith and religious worship. But do they have the right to build their own churches in their places of residence, where they constitute an ethnic or religious minority? In this case, their freedom to practice their religion will go from the private sphere into the public sector, where the different doctrine can be declared as the official religion.Thus, the continuity of the public and private spheres of life points to the most obvious defect of the model of division of the sphere of culture. This defect is embedded in the title of concept. It generates the impossibility of its realization in practice and the need to find the new strategies of ethno-national cultural policy.One such model is the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice proposed by the famous philosopher and scientist, Nobel Prize in Economics A. Sen. Its main idea is the gradual weakening of group forms of identification and moving to individual choice. «Cultural liberty» is giving to individuals the right to live and exist according to their own choice, with a real opportunity to evaluate other options. A. Sen emphasizes that «the large number of existing injustices in the world remains and thrives because they turn their victims into allies, depriving them of the possibility to choose a different life and preventing their learning about the existence of another life». That's ethnic, religious and other cultural traditions of groups are not willingly, they are prescribed from birth. Therefore, the main objective of the policy of promoting cultural liberty is the weakening of traditions. The concept considers the cultural diversity as a tool for implementing of cultural freedom when «due to it the cultural range of social life and possibility of choosing are expanding». But the concept of cultural freedom hasn't become the norm in Western countries because there is a difficulty with the development of mechanisms for public policy which can break the power of traditions, customs, attitudes, mentality etc.The modern theorists and practitioners offer to combine all advantages of multiculturalism and the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice in the model of interkulturalism. Interkulturalism based on the idea of cultural diversity in the world and countries, but in contrast to multiculturalism, which offers the neighborliness between communities and cultures, it focused on the finding some ways of interaction of these different communities as members of different cultural systems. Interkulturalism requires a common interest of different nationalities and religions shared by a common sense of public responsibility for their country.Thus, we can admit multiculturalism, the concept of division of the sphere of culture, the model of individual freedom and cultural choices and interkulturalism are the key modern concepts of co-existence of ethnic and national minorities in the political space. These theories are based on the recognition and consideration of the fact of multiculturalism of globalizing world, separate states and societies. The differences between them lie mainly in the mechanisms proposed for use to assist the maintenance and development of different national, ethnic, religious, linguistic, racial and other minorities. Multiculturalism offers a policy of «neighborhood» of minorities on the principles of mutual recognition and tolerance. But it contributes to the strengthening of group and the suppression of individual identification of a person, leading sometimes to the increasing of segregation, intergroup hostility through the using of state measures to promote some individual communities. The model of division of the sphere of culture has a disadvantage: it proposes the distribution of culture to private and public sector, but doesn't include the fact that they are inseparable in real life. Hence its principles lose the ability to be realized in social and political life. The concept of individual freedom and cultural choice advocates the promoting to overcome the certainty of norms and values for members of communities, urging them to make independent choices, but does not offer some specific mechanisms to overcome the force of customs, traditions and mentality. Interkulturalism is the most optimal concept that favors to find some ways of interaction between different communities and different cultures. The common interests of citizens of different nationalities and religions are one of these ways. All citizens are united by common sense of public responsibility for their own state. ; Статья посвящена анализу современных концепций сосуществования национально-этнических меньшинств в пределах общего политического пространства. Сделана попытка определить преимущества и недостатки каждой из них, а также сделать вывод о наиболее оптимальной модели сосуществования меньшинств сегодня в глобализирующемся мире. ; Статтю присвячено аналізові сучасних концепцій співіснування національно-етнічних меншин у межах спільного політичного простору. Зроблено спробу окреслити переваги та недоліки кожної з них, а також зробити висновок про найбільш оптимальну модель співіснування меншин на сьогодні у світі, що глобалізується.

The article deals with a description of some key competencies, approaches,ways that are needed by a future specialist for his successful professional activityin policultural educational environment. The author underlines the importance ofrequirements that a future teacher should meet. They include languagecompetence, an ability to work in a team, corporate with colleagues, students andparents, develop new qualities, get a broader world outlook in a policulturalsociety. The teacher must be aware of how the study of the subject affectschildren development - socially, morally, intellectually, emotionally, culturally.In this regard, the development of the moral values of the future teachers involvesthe formation of his moral-oriented needs, the assimilation of universal values,focused on humanistic and democratic ideas.This process is associated with the formation of a multicultural worldview,which determines the organization of life and professional activity, in which theteacher must be open to the perception of cultures of other nations.The article discusses the possibilities of implementing policultural educationand training at the university in the process of preparing future specialists. Theimportance of policultural training in modern sociocultural conditions occupies adecisive place in European countries, it concentrates on a diverse range ofmanifestations of ethnic characteristics. Policulturalism focuses on the past andcurrent interactions and connections among different racial and ethnic groups, theirrelationships and collaboration. Formation of polycultural competences of the future specialist in theprocess of professional training corresponds to modern tendencies and principlesof renewal of the educational process, modernization of higher education inUkraine, which is aimed to prepare specialists who are able to work on varioussocial processes in society, to show fully their creativity, who are ready forinternational cooperation in their professional sphere.Policultural pedagogy can be considered one of the main tools forovercoming the crisis in education and training that promotes harmonization of therelations among different civilizations and cultures.Policultural education in higher education should be aimed at creatingconditions for overcoming barriers in communication and normal development ofstudents and learners from different ethnic and cultural groups, and establishinghumanitarian relations between them as an important condition for humanprogress.

The article deals with a description of some key competencies, approaches,ways that are needed by a future specialist for his successful professional activityin policultural educational environment. The author underlines the importance ofrequirements that a future teacher should meet. They include languagecompetence, an ability to work in a team, corporate with colleagues, students andparents, develop new qualities, get a broader world outlook in a policulturalsociety. The teacher must be aware of how the study of the subject affectschildren development - socially, morally, intellectually, emotionally, culturally.In this regard, the development of the moral values of the future teachers involvesthe formation of his moral-oriented needs, the assimilation of universal values,focused on humanistic and democratic ideas.This process is associated with the formation of a multicultural worldview,which determines the organization of life and professional activity, in which theteacher must be open to the perception of cultures of other nations.The article discusses the possibilities of implementing policultural educationand training at the university in the process of preparing future specialists. Theimportance of policultural training in modern sociocultural conditions occupies adecisive place in European countries, it concentrates on a diverse range ofmanifestations of ethnic characteristics. Policulturalism focuses on the past andcurrent interactions and connections among different racial and ethnic groups, theirrelationships and collaboration. Formation of polycultural competences of the future specialist in theprocess of professional training corresponds to modern tendencies and principlesof renewal of the educational process, modernization of higher education inUkraine, which is aimed to prepare specialists who are able to work on varioussocial processes in society, to show fully their creativity, who are ready forinternational cooperation in their professional sphere.Policultural pedagogy can be considered one of the main tools forovercoming the crisis in education and training that promotes harmonization of therelations among different civilizations and cultures.Policultural education in higher education should be aimed at creatingconditions for overcoming barriers in communication and normal development ofstudents and learners from different ethnic and cultural groups, and establishinghumanitarian relations between them as an important condition for humanprogress.

The object of study is the category of «national identity» and «ethnic group», the subject is their substantial certainty in modern social philosophy. Purpose of the article is the analysis of the categories of «national identity» and «ethnic group» in modern social philosophy with further interpretation and operationalization in sociological study. The article highlights the approaches for the definition and understanding of the above mentioned categories which have scientific interest in connection with the development of the program of sociological research of national identity of ethnic communities in the south of Ukraine (for example, the city of Nikolayev).The author's analysis of theoretical sources confirms that the study of the above problem is relevant in today's scientific space, especially for Ukraine. Theoretical studies don't only have scientific and practical importance but empirical research in the study of the national identity of ethnic communities with the direct participation of real representatives of national cultural societies whose members are deliberately engaged in issues of formation and development of the national identity of different ethnic groups living in Ukraine.The researcher came to the following conclusions: the most meaningful and relevant to modern Ukrainian research area is the definition of «national identity» with the emphasis on the individual's own awareness of belonging to a certain titular nation that provides certain rights and responsibilities; in research and legislative documents we should use the term «ethnic group» as less politicized and more meaningful than the concept of «national minority». Ethnic group is a group of people who have certain specific ethnic i.e. cultural, linguistic, religious or racial characteristics; which are combined by full or partial common origin and who are aware of their involvement in the overall group, their specificity and particularity; and this ethnic feature of the group is recognized by society. ; В статье освещаются результаты анализа тех. подходов к определению категорий «национальная идентичность», «этническая группа» в современной социальной философии, которые являются актуальными для Украины в условиях процесса возрождения украинской нации, который происходит со времени революции достоинства, а также представляют научный интерес в связи с разработкой программы социологического исследования национальной идентичности этнических обществ юга Украины (на примере города Николаева).Исследователь пришла к таким выводам: наиболее содержательным и актуальным для современного украинского научного пространства есть определение категории «национальная идентичность», в которой акцент делается на осознании личностью собственной принадлежности к определенной титульной нации, которая предусматривает наличие определенных прав и обязанностей; в научных исследованиях и законодательных документах следует использовать категорию «этническая группа» как менее заполитизо-ванную и более содержательную в сравнении с понятием «национальное меньшинство». Этническая группа – это группа людей, которые имеют определенные этнические, то есть культурные, языковые, религиозные или рассовые характеристики; которых объединяет полное или частичное общее происхождение и которые осознают свою причастность к общей группе, свою специфичность и особенность; и эта этническая особенность группы признается обществом. ; У статті висвітлено результати аналізу тих підходів до визначення категорій «національна ідентичність» і «етнічна група» в сучасній соціальній філософії, які є актуальними для України в умовах процесу відродження української нації, який відбувається з часів революції Гідності; а також становлять науковий інтерес у зв'язку з розробкою програми соціологічного дослідження національної ідентичності етнічних громад півдня України (на прикладі міста Миколаїв).Дослідниця дійшла таких висновків: найбільш змістовним та актуальним для сучасного українського наукового простору є визначення категорії «національна ідентичність», в якій акцент робиться на усвідомленні особистістю власної належності до певної титульної нації, що передбачає наявність певних прав та обов'язків; у наукових дослідженнях та законодавчих документах слід використовувати поняття «етнічна група» як менш заполітизоване та більш змістовне порівняно з поняттям «національна меншина». Етнічна група – це група людей, які мають певні особливі етнічні, тобто культурні, мовні, релігійні чи расові характеристики; яких об'єднує повне чи часткове загальне походження та які усвідомлюють свою причетність до загальної групи, свою специфічність та особливість; і ця етнічна особливість групи визнається суспільством.

Problem setting. The legal framework for regulating the ethnic and national sphere determines the influence of state authorities on the current ethnic and national model of interaction between the titular Ukrainian ethnic group and national minorities. An objective factor in the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine's development is the Ukrainian political nation, whose potential readiness for state-national self-determination is determined by the level of national and regional identity, whose research is extremely in demand in modern science, which begins with the state and determines how it affects poly-ethnic society.Recent research and publications analysis. In the context of the topic under study, the fundamental works of domestic and foreign scholars were used to substantiate the idea of the ethnic core of the nation (A.D. Smith), which constitutes the "foundation" of any ethnic and national model of the state; such ethno-national models are defined: "parallel segmentation" (J. Rothschild), "clan democracy" (O. Kucherenko, O. Lisnichuk), "crossed grid", which is transformed into "mosaic concept" (S.P. Huntington), "universal democracy" (A. Lijphart), the "cosmopolitan" model of democracy (D. Held), "racial democracy"(P. Mancini), as well as the works of P. Van den Berg, O. Kartunov, O. Kryukov, O. Kucherenko, O. Mayborody, Y. Rimarenko, L. Shklyar and others. In the scientific works of A. Andreev, A. Royce, Y. Bromley, M. Weber, G. Nodi, K. Popper, A. Smith, E. Jan, and others. main stages of ethnic and national development of states are analyzed.Paper objective.The author of the article considers the European experience on protecting national minorities' rights and possibility of its application in the Ukrainian legislation and sees it as a basis for the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine development.Paper main body.Author emphasizes that the European Legislation does not ensure the right to self-determination to ethnic and national minorities. Therefore, effective Constitutional and legal security for the national minorities is provided only in case of their getting the citizenship of the country they live in. Besides, their rights do not exceed the range of rights enjoying by all the citizens of the country they reside and the peculiarities of certain ethnic groups (their needs to preserve national identity, traditions, language, cultural heritage etc.) are not reflected in the legislation of the country of their residence.As a subject of the International Law and the equal participant of international communication, Ukraine ratified the majority of conventions and agreements in the field of human rights protection.The crucial issue of Ukrainian society in the legislative adjustment of ethnic and national sphere is its endeavor to respond to the European legal standards. To use the terms "ethnic groups" would be more adequate for both the genuine Ukrainians and the untitled ethnic groups. Application of the terms "native people" or "autochthonal people" could be disputable as for Tatars or Caraims, who are in fact the "pieces" of some other large communities lived in the past. The same situation is in the issue of language functioning. The EU countries' language policy is carried out in the conditions, which differ from the Ukrainian ones: non-dominant languages in the EU community enjoy protection rights. On the contrary, in Ukraine the language of the titled nation needs every possible support. In this respect, nowadays every attempt to approach the issue of peculiarity of language policy in Ukraine can be criticized by the EU community, which may cause Ukrainian language discrimination.Therefore, just imitating both EU experience and EU legislation in the national issue is not acceptable for development of ethnic and national policy in Ukraine, where there are certain peculiarities.Objective reality of polyethnizm existence in Ukraine as well as some specific national conditions require critical and constructive application of various approaches to interethnic relationships regulation in which EU countries have already been a success. And in Particular, we mean consultative and authority bodies, where national minorities are represented, especially in education, cultural and religious organizations; legislative and executive bodies (formed in the result of free and equal elections); self-government of national minorities as for their authenticity in conditions when territorial autonomy is not provided; bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements regarding national minorities; ensuring the right of national minorities representatives to be educated on different educational levels in their native language; to create state research centers to improve legislation and spreading information as for their non-discrimination; creation of permanent boards to be in touch with the appropriate border-line areas. Application of all-round approaches mentioned above in conjunction with the peculiarities of ethnic and national modeling of state development must favor harmonization of relationships between the Ukrainian title ethnos and national minorities.Conclusions of the research.The research on regulatory and juridical principles of the valid ethnic and national state building model (title ethnos and national minorities) gives grounds to conclude that all the citizens of Ukraine are equally protected by the state. As for the assuring the human rights of national minorities representatives, the state bases on the fact that this law is an integral part of the generally acknowledged Law on human rights.For the Constitution of Ukraine stipulations' realization and establishing the procedures of implementation of the abovementioned regulatory Acts, the author proposes to adopt the set of laws, which would regulate not only the status of national minorities, but also the status of the Ukrainian nation as a title nation. In particular, we mean preambles to the Articles 10, 11, 12 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which are fragmentarily accomplished now in the legislative Acts. In order to achieve it, we need to systematize and make codification of the Ukrainian legislation. ; Рассматривается европейский опыт защиты прав национальных меньшинств и его воплощение в украинском законодательстве как основание для этнонационального моделирования развития Украины. Подчеркивается, что европейское право отказывает этническим, национальным меньшинствам в праве на самоопределение; эффективное правовое обеспечение прав национальных меньшинств возможно лишь при условии, что их статус предоставляется только гражданам государства, в котором они проживают; специфические права национальных меньшинств (то есть права, отличные от прав большинства других граждан) ‑ это их права в тех сферах, где они проявляют себя как особая этническая группа (сохранение идентичности, традиций, языка, культурного наследия). ; Розглядається європейський досвід захисту прав національних меншин та його втілення в українському законодавстві як підставу для етнонаціонального моделювання розвитку України. Підкреслюється, що європейське право відмовляє етнічним, національним меншинам у праві на самовизначення; ефективне правове забезпечення прав національних меншин можливе лише за умови, коли їх статус надається лише громадянам держави, в якій вони проживають; специфічні права національних меншин (тобто права, відмінні від прав більшості інших громадян) – це їх права у тих сферах, де вони проявляють себе як особлива етнічна група (збереження ідентичності, традицій, мови, культурної спадщини).

Problem setting. The legal framework for regulating the ethnic and national sphere determines the influence of state authorities on the current ethnic and national model of interaction between the titular Ukrainian ethnic group and national minorities. An objective factor in the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine's development is the Ukrainian political nation, whose potential readiness for state-national self-determination is determined by the level of national and regional identity, whose research is extremely in demand in modern science, which begins with the state and determines how it affects poly-ethnic society.Recent research and publications analysis. In the context of the topic under study, the fundamental works of domestic and foreign scholars were used to substantiate the idea of the ethnic core of the nation (A.D. Smith), which constitutes the "foundation" of any ethnic and national model of the state; such ethno-national models are defined: "parallel segmentation" (J. Rothschild), "clan democracy" (O. Kucherenko, O. Lisnichuk), "crossed grid", which is transformed into "mosaic concept" (S.P. Huntington), "universal democracy" (A. Lijphart), the "cosmopolitan" model of democracy (D. Held), "racial democracy"(P. Mancini), as well as the works of P. Van den Berg, O. Kartunov, O. Kryukov, O. Kucherenko, O. Mayborody, Y. Rimarenko, L. Shklyar and others. In the scientific works of A. Andreev, A. Royce, Y. Bromley, M. Weber, G. Nodi, K. Popper, A. Smith, E. Jan, and others. main stages of ethnic and national development of states are analyzed.Paper objective.The author of the article considers the European experience on protecting national minorities' rights and possibility of its application in the Ukrainian legislation and sees it as a basis for the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine development.Paper main body.Author emphasizes that the European Legislation does not ensure the right to self-determination to ethnic and national minorities. Therefore, effective Constitutional and legal security for the national minorities is provided only in case of their getting the citizenship of the country they live in. Besides, their rights do not exceed the range of rights enjoying by all the citizens of the country they reside and the peculiarities of certain ethnic groups (their needs to preserve national identity, traditions, language, cultural heritage etc.) are not reflected in the legislation of the country of their residence.As a subject of the International Law and the equal participant of international communication, Ukraine ratified the majority of conventions and agreements in the field of human rights protection.The crucial issue of Ukrainian society in the legislative adjustment of ethnic and national sphere is its endeavor to respond to the European legal standards. To use the terms "ethnic groups" would be more adequate for both the genuine Ukrainians and the untitled ethnic groups. Application of the terms "native people" or "autochthonal people" could be disputable as for Tatars or Caraims, who are in fact the "pieces" of some other large communities lived in the past. The same situation is in the issue of language functioning. The EU countries' language policy is carried out in the conditions, which differ from the Ukrainian ones: non-dominant languages in the EU community enjoy protection rights. On the contrary, in Ukraine the language of the titled nation needs every possible support. In this respect, nowadays every attempt to approach the issue of peculiarity of language policy in Ukraine can be criticized by the EU community, which may cause Ukrainian language discrimination.Therefore, just imitating both EU experience and EU legislation in the national issue is not acceptable for development of ethnic and national policy in Ukraine, where there are certain peculiarities.Objective reality of polyethnizm existence in Ukraine as well as some specific national conditions require critical and constructive application of various approaches to interethnic relationships regulation in which EU countries have already been a success. And in Particular, we mean consultative and authority bodies, where national minorities are represented, especially in education, cultural and religious organizations; legislative and executive bodies (formed in the result of free and equal elections); self-government of national minorities as for their authenticity in conditions when territorial autonomy is not provided; bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements regarding national minorities; ensuring the right of national minorities representatives to be educated on different educational levels in their native language; to create state research centers to improve legislation and spreading information as for their non-discrimination; creation of permanent boards to be in touch with the appropriate border-line areas. Application of all-round approaches mentioned above in conjunction with the peculiarities of ethnic and national modeling of state development must favor harmonization of relationships between the Ukrainian title ethnos and national minorities.Conclusions of the research.The research on regulatory and juridical principles of the valid ethnic and national state building model (title ethnos and national minorities) gives grounds to conclude that all the citizens of Ukraine are equally protected by the state. As for the assuring the human rights of national minorities representatives, the state bases on the fact that this law is an integral part of the generally acknowledged Law on human rights.For the Constitution of Ukraine stipulations' realization and establishing the procedures of implementation of the abovementioned regulatory Acts, the author proposes to adopt the set of laws, which would regulate not only the status of national minorities, but also the status of the Ukrainian nation as a title nation. In particular, we mean preambles to the Articles 10, 11, 12 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which are fragmentarily accomplished now in the legislative Acts. In order to achieve it, we need to systematize and make codification of the Ukrainian legislation. ; Рассматривается европейский опыт защиты прав национальных меньшинств и его воплощение в украинском законодательстве как основание для этнонационального моделирования развития Украины. Подчеркивается, что европейское право отказывает этническим, национальным меньшинствам в праве на самоопределение; эффективное правовое обеспечение прав национальных меньшинств возможно лишь при условии, что их статус предоставляется только гражданам государства, в котором они проживают; специфические права национальных меньшинств (то есть права, отличные от прав большинства других граждан) ‑ это их права в тех сферах, где они проявляют себя как особая этническая группа (сохранение идентичности, традиций, языка, культурного наследия). ; Розглядається європейський досвід захисту прав національних меншин та його втілення в українському законодавстві як підставу для етнонаціонального моделювання розвитку України. Підкреслюється, що європейське право відмовляє етнічним, національним меншинам у праві на самовизначення; ефективне правове забезпечення прав національних меншин можливе лише за умови, коли їх статус надається лише громадянам держави, в якій вони проживають; специфічні права національних меншин (тобто права, відмінні від прав більшості інших громадян) – це їх права у тих сферах, де вони проявляють себе як особлива етнічна група (збереження ідентичності, традицій, мови, культурної спадщини).

The problem of interpersonal interaction among representativesof different ethnic and cultural communities in the context of global shifts in migration processes and exchange of information gained exceptional urgency in the last few years in the majority of European countries. Recent studies of the phenomenon of stereotyping in various fields within the cognitive-psychological approach were analyzed. The questions of influence of the dominant ideological processes of ethnic and racial social perception were lightened. Some results of an empirical study of ethno-cultural attitudes of the representatives of the six ethno-cultural groups, historically presented on the territory of modern Ukraine were presented. The study involved 78 students of Lutsk pedagogical and medical colleges. The method of forced ranking of the desired representatives ofvarious ethnic and cultural groups in three situations: the sister's marriage, immediate supervisor, business partner was used. Statistically significant difference to the representatives of various ethno-cultural groups in separate areas of social interaction, especially between Polish and Russian cultural groups was compared. Special attentionto ethical standards of research was paid. The author does not consider it possible to publish the full results of the study. In his opinion it is may be create grounds for unprofessional or biased interpretation of the research data with the aim of manipulating public opinion in ideological propaganda and political purposes. The conclusion about the advisability of monitoring attitudes of young people for intercultural interaction to prevent manifestations of xenophobia and discord was done.Keywords: ethno-cultural interaction, stereotyping, social perception, students. ; Проблема міжособистісної взаємодії представників різних етнокультурних спільнот в умовах глобальних зрушень у процесах міграції та інформаційного обміну загострилася в останні кілька років у більшості європейських країн. Проведено аналіз останніх досліджень особливостей феномену стереотипізації в різних сферах на основі когнітивно-психологічного підходу. Висвітлено вплив домінантних ідеологічних установок на процеси міжетнічної і міжрасової соціальної перцепції. Подано окремі результати емпіричного дослідження етнокультурних установок щодо представників шести етнокультурних груп, історично представлених на території сучасної України. У дослідженні взяли участь 78 студентів педагогічного та медичного коледжів міста Луцька. Використовувався метод примусового ранжування бажаних представників різних етнокультурних груп у трьох ситуаціях: шлюб сестри, безпосередній керівник, бізнес-партнер. Виявлено статистично значущу відмінність у ставленні до представників різних етнокультурних груп в окремих сферах соціальної взаємодії, зокрема до польської і російської етнокультурних груп. Особлива увага надавалась етичним стандартам проведення дослідження. Повні результати дослідження не публікуються, щоб не створювати ґрунт для маніпулювання суспільною свідомістю в ідеологічних, пропагандистських і політичних цілях. Зроблено висновок про доцільність моніторингу установок молоді щодо міжкультурної взаємодії для запобігання проявам ксенофобії та розбрату. Ключові слова: етнокультурна взаємодія, стереотипи соціальної перцепції, студентська молодь.

The article analyzes the monolingualism policy opposed to the policy of bilingualism inthe language policy of the United States. The author considers the historical background,issues and implementation mechanisms of the monolingualism policy in the multiethnic state,the result of which is directed against cultural diversity and immigrant minority languages.The article defines sources of English monolingualism ideology, racial hostility of majoritytoward minority, ethnic conflict between the minorities, class antagonism of socioeconomicgroups at a lower level of welfare; political negative reaction of bilingualism opponents;negative attitude to everything that is foreign. The author presents arguments andcounterarguments used by bilingualism supporters and linguistic diversity in the UnitedStates. Federal policy bilingual education is compared with the American melting pot.Behavioral and linguistic assimilation of immigrants is presented as an inevitable componentof cultural assimilation into the dominant society resulting from the recognition of English asthe language of equal opportunities.Key words: bilingualism, monolingualism, ideology, politics, education, the USA,multicultural, the dominant language, assimilation, the official language. ; У статті представлений аналіз політики монолінгвізму на противагу політиці білінгвізму в мовній політиці США. Розглядається історичні передумови, проблеми та механізми реалізації політики монолінгвізму в поліетнічній державі, результат якої спрямований проти культурного різноманіття іммігрантських та міноритарних мов. Поведінкова і мовна асиміляція іммігрантів представлена як неминуча складова культурної асиміляції в домінуюче суспільство в результаті визнання англійської мови як мови рівних можливостей. Ключові слова: білінгвізм, монолінгвізм, ідеологія, політика, освіта, США, полікультурний, домінуюча мова, асиміляція, державна мова.

The practice of regulation and prohibition of discriminatory advertising of the European Union is being explored. The experience of the leading countries of the European Union in the organization of public administration and public control over advertising activity in general and advertising in the media in particular has been analyzed, as well as the approaches to the regulation of discriminatory advertising. The need for legislative regulation of discriminatory advertising has been argued by the authors. Legislative grounds for discrimination signs on the basis of nationality, gender, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, age or sexual orientation will provide an opportunity to reduce the amount of discriminatory advertising. ; Исследуется практика регулирования и запретов дискриминационного рекламы Европейского Союза. Проанализирован опыт ведущих стран Европейского Союза в организации государственного управления и общественного контроля за рекламной деятельностью в целом и размещением рекламы в средствах массовой информации, а также подходы к регулированию дискриминационной рекламы. Аргументировано целесообразность законодательного регулирования дискриминационной рекламы. Законодательное обоснование признаков дискриминации по национальности, полу, расовой принадлежности или этническому происхождению, религии или верованию, возрасту или сек-суальной ориентации, позволит уменьшить количество дискриминационной рекламы. ; Досліджується практика регулювання та заборон дискримінаційної реклами Європейського Союзу. Проаналізовано досвід провідних країн Європейського Союзу в організації державного управління та суспільного контролю за рекламною діяльністю загалом та розміщенням реклами в засобах масової інформації, також підходи до регулювання дискримінаційної реклами. Аргументовано необхідність законодавчого регулювання дискримінаційної реклами. Законодавче обґрунтування ознак дискримінації за національністю, статтю, расовою належністю чи етнічним походженням, релігією або віруванням, віком чи сексуальною орієнтацію, надасть можливість зменшити кількість дискримінаційної реклами.

The practice of regulation and prohibition of discriminatory advertising of the European Union is being explored. The experience of the leading countries of the European Union in the organization of public administration and public control over advertising activity in general and advertising in the media in particular has been analyzed, as well as the approaches to the regulation of discriminatory advertising. The need for legislative regulation of discriminatory advertising has been argued by the authors. Legislative grounds for discrimination signs on the basis of nationality, gender, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, age or sexual orientation will provide an opportunity to reduce the amount of discriminatory advertising. ; Исследуется практика регулирования и запретов дискриминационного рекламы Европейского Союза. Проанализирован опыт ведущих стран Европейского Союза в организации государственного управления и общественного контроля за рекламной деятельностью в целом и размещением рекламы в средствах массовой информации, а также подходы к регулированию дискриминационной рекламы. Аргументировано целесообразность законодательного регулирования дискриминационной рекламы. Законодательное обоснование признаков дискриминации по национальности, полу, расовой принадлежности или этническому происхождению, религии или верованию, возрасту или сек-суальной ориентации, позволит уменьшить количество дискриминационной рекламы. ; Досліджується практика регулювання та заборон дискримінаційної реклами Європейського Союзу. Проаналізовано досвід провідних країн Європейського Союзу в організації державного управління та суспільного контролю за рекламною діяльністю загалом та розміщенням реклами в засобах масової інформації, також підходи до регулювання дискримінаційної реклами. Аргументовано необхідність законодавчого регулювання дискримінаційної реклами. Законодавче обґрунтування ознак дискримінації за національністю, статтю, расовою належністю чи етнічним походженням, релігією або віруванням, віком чи сексуальною орієнтацію, надасть можливість зменшити кількість дискримінаційної реклами.

Проаналізовано основні аспекти політичних ризиків, що характерні для українського суспільства. Розкрито чинники, що виступають провокаторами політичних ризиків. Проведено паралелі щодо управління ризиками в Україні та країнах ЄС. ; The basic aspects of the political risks are characteristic of Ukrainian society. Reveals the factors that favor provocateurs political risks.It was found that in addition to political risks arising from internal factors, there are political risks associated with globalization. Due to globalization, humanity has entered the mode of life of an open environment that creates risks of uncertainty. These issues are key to EU governments , as in all countries, the state is the main guarantor of security of its citizens and is designed to manage the risks, which an individual or community can't fight alone.As a result, the study determined that political globalization is a multifaceted process that has an ambiguous impact on different countries depending on their level of economic development and political influence in the world. Integration processes that accompany globalization , on the one hand, reduce the number of risks that are generated by the lack of dialogue , their inability to find common interests . A parallel risk management in Ukraine and the EU.Reasoned position that the political risks of modern Ukraine related to the state's economic and political systems so that there is no clear political ideal of the country and the political doctrine which it would settle.Found that political risk plays a significant role in determining the level of country risk, especially true in developing countries and countries with economies in transition, which is important for Ukraine.The possibility of political risk is determined on the basis of: evaluating the use of coercion in the exercise of power, the impact on society of radical political forces, violations of law and order, the scale of anti-constitutional actions, the delegitimization of the political regime, the crisis of public administration, separatism, the degree of ethnic, religious, racial, social differences, particularly social inequalities, etc.Clarified the political risks of Ukrainian society and revealed their interdependence on a variety of factors, including the religious, ethnic, economic factors, geopolitical interests, the lack of public consensus that entails internal conflict and political identities. The kinds of political risks inherent in Ukrainian society in the process this is his transformation. ; Проанализированы основные аспекты политических рисков, характерные для украинского общества. Раскрыты факторы, выступающие провокаторами политических рисков. Проведены параллели по управлению рисками в Украине и странах ЕС.

У статті вирішується завдання здійснення аналізу політиким монолінгвізму на противагу політиці білінгвізму в мовній політиці США. На основі теоретичного аналізу джерел розглядаються історичні передумови, проблеми та механізми реалізації політики монолінгвізму в поліетнічній державі, результат якої спрямований проти культурного різноманіття іммігрантських та міноритарних мов. Зроблено висновок про поведінкову і мовну асиміляцію іммігрантів як неминучу складову культурної асиміляції в домінуюче суспільство в результаті визнання англійської мови мовою рівних можливостей.В статье решается задача осуществления анализа политики монолингвизма в противовес политике билингвизма в языковой политике США. На основе теоретического анализа источников рассматриваются исторические предпосылки, проблемы и механизмы реализации политики монолингвизма в полиэтническом государстве, результат которой направлен против культурного многообразия иммигрантских и миноритарных языков. Сделан вывод о поведенческой и языковой ассимиляции иммигрантов как неизбежной составляющей культурной ассимиляции в доминирующее общество в результате признания английского языка языком равных возможностей.The article analyzes the monolingualism policy opposed to the policy of bilingualism in the language policy of the United States. The author considers the historical background, issues and implementation mechanisms of the monolingualism policy in the multiethnic state, the result of which is directed against cultural diversity and immigrant minority languages. The article defines sources of English monolingualism ideology, racial hostility of majority toward minority, ethnic conflict between the minorities, class antagonism of socioeconomic groups at a lower level of welfare; political negative reaction of bilingualism opponents; negative attitude to everything that is foreign. The author presents arguments and counterarguments used by bilingualism supporters and linguistic diversity in the United States. Federal policy bilingual education is compared with the American melting pot. Behavioral and linguistic assimilation of immigrants is presented as an inevitable component of cultural assimilation into the dominant society resulting from the recognition of English as the language of equal opportunities.

У статті вирішується завдання здійснення аналізу політиким монолінгвізму на противагу політиці білінгвізму в мовній політиці США. На основі теоретичного аналізу джерел розглядаються історичні передумови, проблеми та механізми реалізації політики монолінгвізму в поліетнічній державі, результат якої спрямований проти культурного різноманіття іммігрантських та міноритарних мов. Зроблено висновок про поведінкову і мовну асиміляцію іммігрантів як неминучу складову культурної асиміляції в домінуюче суспільство в результаті визнання англійської мови мовою рівних можливостей.В статье решается задача осуществления анализа политики монолингвизма в противовес политике билингвизма в языковой политике США. На основе теоретического анализа источников рассматриваются исторические предпосылки, проблемы и механизмы реализации политики монолингвизма в полиэтническом государстве, результат которой направлен против культурного многообразия иммигрантских и миноритарных языков. Сделан вывод о поведенческой и языковой ассимиляции иммигрантов как неизбежной составляющей культурной ассимиляции в доминирующее общество в результате признания английского языка языком равных возможностей.The article analyzes the monolingualism policy opposed to the policy of bilingualism in the language policy of the United States. The author considers the historical background, issues and implementation mechanisms of the monolingualism policy in the multiethnic state, the result of which is directed against cultural diversity and immigrant minority languages. The article defines sources of English monolingualism ideology, racial hostility of majority toward minority, ethnic conflict between the minorities, class antagonism of socioeconomic groups at a lower level of welfare; political negative reaction of bilingualism opponents; negative attitude to everything that is foreign. The author presents arguments and counterarguments used by bilingualism supporters and linguistic diversity in the United States. Federal policy bilingual education is compared with the American melting pot. Behavioral and linguistic assimilation of immigrants is presented as an inevitable component of cultural assimilation into the dominant society resulting from the recognition of English as the language of equal opportunities.

The article is devoted to the question of designing disability in the literary discourse of Great Britain in the first half of the nineteenth century. The theoretical core on which work rests is the study of non-normative corporeality, namely, its integral part – disability studies. They arose in the second half of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century on the wave of struggle of the class, racial, gender, sexual, ethnic and other marginalized groups against discrimination. Their representatives focused on the reflection of people with sensory, intellectual, cognitive, psychological or physical disabilities in philosophy, culture, art, politics, economics, sociology and literature. In Ukrainian literary studies, the problem of disability is poorly investigated. In isolated works, scientists outline the achievements of modern writers. Thus, the purpose of the article is to analyze the historical contexts of non-normative corporeality, namely, the works of English romantic writers. The main task of the work is to highlight the peculiarities of constructing the system of images and characters with disabilities in the cult Gothic novel by Mary Shelley «Frankenstein; or Modern Prometheus» (1818) and the unfinished tragedy of George Gordon Byron «The Deformed Transformed» (1822). As a result, it can be stated that the social model of the disability is leading in the formation of narrative lines of the main characters with a strong emphasis on their rejection and alienation from the space of healthy people. Unusual heroes of both works are filled with external and internal contradictions. Their images are deeply metaphorical, tabooed and stigmatized by the immediate environment and society. The dichotomous pairs the creator – creation, Self – Other, norm – deviation, beautiful – ugly or the person with disabilities – society are complemented by fairy-tale, legendary, mystical, fantastic and mythical elements. We consider it useful to continue the research on the outlined issues in the diachronic perspective for ...

У статті розглянуто полікультурний аспект професійної підготовки вищих навчальних закладів Канади та Польщі. Схарактеризовано основні передумови, які сприяли потребі виникнення полікультурної складової. Виокремлено дисципліни полікультурного змісту, які вивчають у канадських та польських вишах. Визначено основні принципи полікультурної освіти. Проаналізовано експліцитний та імпліцитний способи впровадження полікультурної складової у вишах Канади та Польщі.В статье рассмотрен поликультурный аспект профессиональной подготовки высших учебных заведений Канады и Польши. Охарактеризованы основные предпосылки, которые способствовали необходимости возникновения поликультурной составляющей. Выделены дисциплины поликультурного содержания, которые изучают в канадских и польских вузах. Определены основные принципы поликультурного образования. Проанализированы эксплицитные и имплицитные способы внедрения поликультурной составляющей в вузах Канады и Польши.The article is considered with the multicultural aspect of training in higher educational institutions in Canada and Poland since new realities have made understanding of diversity and the ability to interact and find a way out of conflict situations extremely important. The internationalization of working and learning environment can be considered as the factor that contributed to conscious interest in cultural component of training.Implementation of modern educational purposes objectively require a certain convergence of national educational systems and the development of common principles which can not be done without taking into account their multicultural educational experience. Multicultural education promotes tolerance of each person towards another culture and its representatives. It mostly meets the needs of modern Ukrainian society and its intention to join the European Community. That is why the purpose of the article is to analyze the formation features of multicultural training component of higher education in Canada and Poland in order to use the ideas of Polish and Canadian experience in Ukrainian higher education.Social and political changes which took place in Poland caused reforms in its educational system. Trhe main areas were decentralization of educational management, democratization of education, the autonomy of educational institutions (institutions of private sector development, increasing the number of students, enabling teachers to choose curricula and textbooks and include regional component in the content of educational programs), informatization and modernization of the educational system (transition to critical and creative model), drawing attention to Polish poliethnicity and the consequent increase in the number of educational institutions for national minorities and ethnic groups.Multiculturalism has been Canada's official policy for over 30 years because of its ethnic, racial and cultural composition. This country has a long tradition in the field of training for workplace diversity. There are four historical stages in the history of education for indigenous people: traditional, industrial boarding schools, provincial schooling and the age of Indian control over Indian education. The emergence of university transfer programs has formed a symbiotic relationship between colleges, universities and pre-professional training programs, and the practical aspects of training tied it more closely to the industry. Actually, the diverse levels of training and principles of access to educational programs fully reflect multicultural component of Canadaian education.Analysis of theoretical and methodological sources confirmed that the principles of multiculturalism in higher education in Canada and Poland are implemented explicitly (through the introduction of special education programs and implicitly (including additional content elements into the educational curricula of professional courses and application of innovative forms and methods of creative, exploratory nature). Such training has two main objectives: on the one hand it is aimed at training future professionals for tolerant perception of otherness, on the other - to save and transmit one's own social valuable cultural experience.