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The article contrasts the richness of academic production on illegal markets in Brazil to the obscurantist context of contemporary Brazilian politics. The text takes up the main topics of the Special Issue and faces a challenging question: considering the knowledge produced by the articles as a whole and the situation opened by the victory of the far- right in Brazil, what can we expect in the near future? Certainly, continuity, if not increase, of mass incarceration with class, racial and territorial bias, as well as strengthening of the most retrograde policies in criminal justice, with official legitimation of police lethality in peripheries and favelas, now consecrated as a State policy. On the one hand the modern edge of capitalism, the most insidiously averse to rights, exclusive and inseparable from crime; on the other, social barbarism. O artigo contrasta a riqueza da produção acadêmica sobre mercados ilegais, no Brasil, ao contexto obscurantista da política brasileira contemporânea. O texto retoma os principais temas do dossiê e enfrenta uma questão desafiadora: considerando-se o conhecimento produzido pelo conjunto dos artigos e a conjuntura aberta pela vitória da ultradireita no Brasil, o que podemos esperar para o futuro próximo? Certamente, continuidade, se não incremento, do encarceramento em massa com viés de classe, cor e território, bem como fortalecimento do que há de mais retrógrado na justiça criminal, com legitimação oficial da letalidade policial em periferias e favelas, consagradas agora como política de Estado. De um lado a ponta moderna do capitalismo, a mais insidiosamente avessa a direitos, excludente e indissociável do crime; de outro, a barbárie social. Publisher's Note:This article has been published in both Portuguese and English. To download the Portuguese version, click the "Download" link and select "PDF (PT)". Este artigo foi publicado tanto em Inglês, como em Português. Para baixar a versão em Português, clique "Download" e depois selecione "PDF (PT)".

The concept of Ontology has several outlines in the philosophical universe, whether in the analytical or continental tradition, but when we enter the Social Sciences field it is reduced basically to a phenomenological approach. This article aims to understand this phenomenological trait in the Social Sciences, in addition to pointing to other paths on the horizon, mainly using Graham Harman's Object-Oriented Ontology (OOO), as well as other authors of this contemporary tradition. Although famous in the philosophical field, it is still very unknown in Social Theory, which opens a new space for debates, questions, and many new articulations.

Um dos temas mais sutis presente no panorama da cultura em tempos de globalização versa sobre o impacto da América Latina como polo gerador de conhecimento autêntico, com contornos próprios. Tal enunciado remete ao prestígio dos argumentos originais que caracterizariam a cultura local, latino-americana, lato sensu, pois afinal pergunta-se: pode-se falar de um modo cultural latino-americano? Caso afirmativo, de que matéria teria se constituído? Haveria unidade nas manifestações expressas pela cultura cunhada pelo padrão europeu? Nesta linha, situações específicas, como o caso colombiano, teriam relação direta com dinâmicas culturais vizinhas, mais amplas? Pensando nas sementes que fertilizam tais questionamentos -esboçados no passado, desde o peruano José Carlos Mariategui (1894-1930)- chega-se a Leopoldo Zea (1912-2004), pensador mexicano que mexeu de maneira decisiva com ideias estabelecidas sobre a projeção das antigas metrópoles europeias "criadas" nas colônias da América Latina.

If for Ken Booth and Steve Smith theory is always for someone and for some purpose -- following Robert W. Cox's critical investigation -- their commitment with the real world begins right in the pages of a theory textbook. With this article, we set up to bring some light to what we think is one of the most crucial episodes in the recent IR disciplinary history. At the same time we set up to develop the critical potential of the discipline based on an approach that both recognizes the legacy of political realism -- but also of its shortcomings -- and the need to give voice to traditionally marginalized perspectives and interests. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the ambivalent position of Artigas in the political-cultural debate of the Cold War, during the 1950s, when two principal art movements were opposed. On one side, socialist realist tendencies that emerged in post-revolutionary Russia, particularly after the ascension of Stalin, who intended it to be the new art of the proletarian masses, along the lines of cultural policies shared by many communist parties. On another side, concretism, already held as a new avant-garde art of geometrical abstraction, attacked by communist militants for its supposed "imperialist" links. To carry out this exploration, we have mapped the architect's treatment of both currents from two simultaneous fonts. One refers to the writings and classes of Artigas, where it is possible to trace the changes in meaning that each movement underwent throughout his career. The other refers to his projects, where we studied two paradigmatical houses: the Olga Baeta, of 1956; and the Rubens de Mendonça, of 1958. Although the former is usually regarded as "socialist realist" and the latter as "concretist", analysis of the drawings do not permit any narrow bonds to any of them. Both positions are mixed together in both houses, revealing the cultural impasse in which Artigas was set, present in both the texts and buildings, not only regarding the formal development assigned to each of them, but the link between long-term national and political ; O artigo explora o posicionamento ambivalente de Artigas no debate político-cultural da Guerra Fria, durante a década de 1950, em que se opunham dois movimentos artísticos principais. Por um lado, o realismo socialista, tendência que tomou força na Rússia pós-revolucionária, sobretudo a partir da ascensão de Stalin, ao se colocar como a nova arte das massas proletárias, nas diretrizes da política cultural comum aos diversos partidos comunistas. Por outro lado, o concretismo, já então visto como uma nova vanguarda moderna de abstração geométrica, mas que era atacado pelos militantes comunistas, por seus supostos vínculos "imperialistas". Para tal, mapeamos o tratamento que o arquiteto deu a cada vertente, em duas fontes simultâneas. Uma se refere aos textos e aulas de Artigas, que permitiram perceber as transformações que as acepções de cada movimento sofreram ao longo de sua carreira. A outra é a de seus projetos, em que estudamos duas casas paradigmáticas: a Olga Baeta, de 1956, e a Rubens de Mendonça, de 1958. Embora a primeira seja normalmente vista como "realista socialista", e a segunda, como "concretista", a análise dos desenhos não permite uma vinculação estrita a nenhuma delas. Ambas as posições estão mescladas nas duas casas e são desenvolvidas de modo inconcluso, o que revelaria o impasse cultural em que Artigas se encontrava. Impasse presente nas obras e nos textos,referente não só ao desenvolvimento formal que cada frente lhe abria, como também por suas vinculações a projetos políticos e nacionais de longo alcance. ; El artículo explora la posición ambivalente de Artigas en el debate político-cultural de la Guerra Fría durante la década de 1950, donde se oponían dos movimientos artísticos preponderantes. Por un lado, el realismo socialista, tendencia que ganó fuerza en la Rusia postrevolucionaria, sobre todo a partir de la subida al poder de Stalin, al colocarse como el nuevo arte de las masas proletarias, en las directrices de la política cultural común a diversos partidos comunistas. Y por otro lado, el concretismo, visto ya en aquel momento como una nueva vanguardia moderna de abstracción geométrica, aunque era atacado por los militantes comunistas, por sus supuestos vínculos "imperialistas". Para demostrarlo, mapeamos el tratamiento que el arquitecto da a cada vertiente, por medio de dos fuentes simultáneas. Una se refiere a los textos y cursos dictados por Artigas, que permitieron percibir las transformaciones del significado que aquellos movimientos sufrieron a lo largo de su carrera. La otra es la de sus proyectos, donde estudiamos dos casas paradigmáticas: la casa Olga Baeta, de 1956, y la Rubens de Mendonça, de 1958. Aunque la primera sea normalmente vista como "realista socialista", y la segunda como "concretista", el análisis de los planos no permite una vinculación estricta con ninguna de estas. Ambas posiciones se encuentran en franco mestizaje en las dos casas y son desarrolladas de modo inconcluso, lo cual revelaría la encrucijada cultural en que Artigas se encontraba. Callejón sin salida presente en sus obras y textos, que concierne no sólo al desarrollo formal que cada frente le abría, sino también a su vinculación a proyectos políticos y nacionales de gran envergadura.

Kenneth N. Waltz's magnum opus, Theory of International Politics, first published in 1979, is the single most widely read contribution to neorealism. Waltz claimed the establishment of a nomothetic theory of international politics that deals in regularities and repetitions, arguing that the structural component of the international system greatly influences state behaviour and hence outcomes. The author proposes a macrotheoretical solution to the micro account of traditional realism that focuses on unit and individual level explanations. Adapted from the source document.

The division found between the international and domestic structures in the definition of the states' international conduct has marked a significant part of the debate on international relations theory. Realism has been the target of criticism on the part of other approaches that tend to associate Realism with perspectives that are based essentially on the international sphere, in detriment of the domestic structure. New Realist perspectives, ranging from Statism to Structural Realism and Neoclassical Realism strive to oppose it, by attempting to extend to the domestic sphere the normative and empirical principles of the Classical Realism and the Neorealism. Adapted from the source document.

Kenneth Waltz resisted describing the post-Cold War world as unipolar. This reluctance results from two characteristics of his structural realism: its naturalistic view of systemic balances of power and its focus on relations among great powers. Yet, Waltz's thinking on the nuclear revolution allows us to correct these limitations of his structural theory and highlight two central aspects of American unipolarity: its potential durability in a nuclear world and its potential for preventive counter-proliferation wars. In sum, Waltz's structural realism, when combined with his thinking about a nuclear world, produces a powerful analytic apparatus to further our understanding of our post-Cold War unipolar world. Adapted from the source document.

This paper aims to examine the assumptions of Moral Twin Earth, an argument formulated by Terence Horgan and Mark Timmons with the intention of refuting the realistic naturalistic proposal of moral known as Cornell's realism. The Moral Twin Earth provides some intuitive evidence that terms naming moral kinds are not rigid designators of natural properties and, therefore, it is not possible to offer a naturalistic definition for them, which is supposed to be a Cornell's realism claim. However, in this paper, I try to demonstrate that Cornell's realism does not assume rigid designation relations between terms for moral kinds and natural properties to support its naturalistic thesis. Instead of the identity relation between moral and natural kinds that would be brought about by the rigid designation, Cornell's realism maintains only the metaphysical thesis that moral kinds are constituted or realized by natural properties which leaves it open the possibility of multiple realization of moral kinds. As Cornell's realism does not commit itself with the semantic thesis that Horgan and Timmons criticize, then the Moral Twin Earth does not seem to offer an objection to this moral realism.