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The academic study of international relations can be considered a debate about realism. Realism provides a foil against which many other schools of thought define themselves and their contributions. Take realism out of the picture and the identities of these other schools as well as the significance of their arguments become much less clear. The study of international politics thus is in an important sense inexplicable without a grounding in realism. Gaining such a grounding, however, is harder than it seems. Precisely because realism is so influential, it is also systematically misunderstood. Whether favourably or unfavourably disposed toward realist ideas and theories, scholars face powerful incentives to make realism into something it is not. As a result, many of the most popular criticisms of realism miss the mark. This article attempts to set the record straight. It argues that the notion that realism can and should be reduced to a single, internally consistent, and logically coherent theory is the taproot of the greatest misunderstanding.

The General Conference of the European Association of Development Research and Training Institutes (EADI) took place in June 2008. The title of the EADI conference was 'Global governance for sustainable development'. Sustainability, the environment and especially climate change, are closely interlinked with development and global governance. But this field has many barriers. Development specialists and their environmental colleagues move in different circles. But even if clever brains figure out how to achieve sustainable development in theory, realizing it in practice is a different story. Politics and power issues, or what some people call the 'messy side' of development cooperation, are important factors.

What does realism tell us about peaceful change? Although recognized by E.H. Carr as a fundamental problem of international politics, realists have rarely sought to tackle the issue of peaceful change directly. This chapter explores how the logic(s) of realism may contribute to our understanding of peaceful change - even if there is no escape from power politics. ; This chapter discusses how to understand peaceful change from the perspective of classical realism, structural realism and neoclassical realism.

The problem of "Realism in Foreign Policy" is a special manifistation of a general philosophic and intellectual problem which has been with us almost since the beginning of Western civilization. There are two fundamental attitudes that a man can take toward a political problem and a social problem in general. Either he can start with the assumption that this problem is the result of some historic incident, of some faulty institution or deficient social arrangement, and that by changing this arrangement of by transforming the institution that is, by bringing about some kind of reform the problem can be solved once and for all.

Altres ajuts: Project IEC PRO2018-S05 ; This is a Research Note about the ongoing Project on the semantics of pact-modelling or pactism (pactisme) in Catalan ancient law. Pactism is the name of the legal doctrine that grounds the validity of legal provisions upon a pact-based model. It was developed as a basis for Catalan Public law in the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries. We present it as a medieval realism. Looking at the concomitances of 20th century legal realismand the doctrine of pactism can shed light on the emergence of early states and the construction of legal doctrines stemming from the reception of Roman law, the wide use of ius commune, and the development of case-based law and Scholastic reasoning methods. The semantics of pact-modelling processes and outcomes has yet to be established. Thus, it is also contended that Digi tal Humanities can offer some technological solutions to unravel underlying linguistic, cognitive, and ontological patterns to understand the political culture that came out of it and developed until the 18th c. in Catalonia.

In this essay I discuss how realism operates to constrain games, especially role-playing games, that take place in a fantasy milieu. The design of these games involves tradeoffs between two values, which are sometimes labeled "realism" and "playability". These values are ordinarily understood to be wholly independent and competing. Using resources drawn from John Rawls's conception of political theory as a search for a "realistic utopia", I show how these values can instead be understood as aspects of the more general value of creating and conceiving a realistic fantasy through the medium of game play. I also explain how realism operates differently as a constraint on tabletop role-playing games from how it operates in realistic video games and live-action role-playing.

The problem of "realism in foreign policy" is a special manifestation of a general philosophic and intellectual problem which has been with us almost since the beginning of Western civilization.

Work included in a group exhibition at Charlie Smith Gallery, London curated by Juan Bolivar and John Stark. Exhibting artists include: Juan Bolivar, Dan Coombs, Graham Crowley, Karen David, Nathan Eastwood, Geraint Evans, John Greenwood, Sigrid Holmwood, Kate Lyddon, Maharishi x Rebecca & Mike, John Salt, John Stark. The term 'Anti-Social Realism', which acts as this exhibitions title, is not one that is commonly understood. It is intended to pose questions such as: is 'revolutionary' art a viable possibility today? What does it mean to be (anti) social in an increasingly interconnected but physically separated society? Can we, through archaic practices such as painting and sculpture, engage with notions of 'social realism' now presented on a daily basis through the new silver-screen veneer of the digital age? In response, this exhibition attempts to pose pictorial possibilities and create tensions through the selected artworks, tackling notions of contemporary realism and in turn offering us a distant echo of a political reality. The wry misnomer of the exhibition title slips between many interwoven threads, simultaneously conjuring up images of 'anti-social behaviour orders' (ASBO), anarchist riots, or the solitary artist locked away from the world attempting to connect on a higher level. In this light, the exhibiting artists are presented as 'social mystics' and it could be said that their work operates by a means of turning inwards to create social radiation.

Thomas Hobbes has recently been cast as one of the forefathers of political realism. This article evaluates his place in the realist tradition by focusing on three key themes: the priority of legitimacy over justice, the relation between ethics and politics, and the place of imagination in politics. The thread uniting these themes is the importance Hobbes placed on achieving a moral consensus around peaceful coexistence, a point which distances him from realists who view the two as competing goals of politics. The article maintains that only a qualified version of the autonomy of the political position can be attributed to Hobbes, while arguing more generally that attending to the relation between ethics and politics is central to assessing his liberal credentials from a realist perspective. Against the prevalent reading of Hobbes as a hypothetical contract theorist, the article proceeds to show that the place of consent in his theory is better understood as part of his wider goal of transforming the imagination of his audience; a goal which is animated by concerns that realists share.

In the aftermath of gross human rights abuses, when, if at all, should we forego legal accountability? Human rights scholars debated this question in the 1980s and 1990s, in what was referred to as the "peace versus justice" debate. The "justice" side won the day among human rights advocates, among whom the dominant position is that legal accountability is a necessary response to atrocity and cannot be limited by political considerations (a position this Article terms "human rights absolutism'). However, this question has resurfaced in the twenty-first century, in intense debates with interlocutors outside the field of human rights. Faced with the development of international criminal justice, Alien Tort Statute litigation, and regional human rights court jurisprudence on the right to a remedy, courts, state officials, and conservative scholars argue that legal accountability should be limited to avoid hampering states' control of their internal affairs and international relations (a position this Article terms "sovereigntism"). Some scholars take a middle ground and argue that legal responses to gross human rights abuses should be limited only to avoid harm to peace or democratic decision-making. However, the latter have not yet offered a persuasive justification for their position nor a rationale for distinguishing peace and democratic decision-making from other values advanced by sovereigntists as limits to accountability. This Article offers a new middle ground between sovereigntism and human rights absolutism, under a position it terms "human rights realism." Drawing on American legal realism and grounded in human rights values, this approach mandates limiting legal accountability to avoid those consequences that threaten certain core human rights, and the Article identifies armed conflict and economic inequality as relevant consequences. This approach overcomes both human rights absolutists' denial of the politics of accountability mechanisms and sovereigntists' subordination of accountability to values ...

Entre les diferents tendències de la filosofia contemporània, l'anomenat "nou realisme" és probablement un dels més interessants. El "Nou Realisme" no és simplement un "retorn" a la realitat, un reconeixement banal i trivial de l'existència del món extern. Més aviat, és un moviment filosòfic polèmic (i per tant polític) contra el monopoli teòric, especialment en la filosofia continental, governada pel discurs filosòfic postmodern. Per tant, el Nou Realisme és una espècie d'antagonista filosòfic de la postmodernitat. No obstant això, no podem reduir el Nou Realisme a la simple crítica de la postmodernitat. De fet, el Nou Realisme és un moviment filosòfic multifacètic i estratificat. Hi ha molts Realismes Nous diferents. Aquests Nous Realismes inclouen diferents autors, línies i camins d'investigació, units per la crítica de la postmodernitat, però distingits de moltes maneres. L'objectiu d'aquesta contribució és doble. En primer lloc, es rastrejarà breument la història teòrica del Nou Realisme. En segon lloc, es posarà l'accent en les temàtiques més importants del nou realisme i, al mateix temps, en les diferents teories filosòfiques (Ferraris, Meillassoux, Gabriel, Boghossian, Harman, Gratton) desenvolupades sota la denominació de "Nou Realisme". ; Among the different tendencies in contemporary philosophy, the so called "new realism" is probably one of the most interesting. The "New Realism" is not simply a "back" to the reality, a banal and trivial recognition of the existence of the external world. Rather, it is a polemic (and therefore political) philosophical movement against the theoretical monopoly, especially in continental philosophy, ruled by the postmodern philosophical discourse. Therefore, New Realism is a sort of philosophical antagonist of postmodernity. However, we cannot flatten the New Realism on the critique of postmodernity. Indeed, New Realism is a multifaceted and stratified philosophical movement. There are several different New Realisms. These New Realisms include different authors, lines and paths of research, joined by the critique of postmodernity, but distinguished in many ways. The aim of this contribution is double. Firstly, I will trace briefly the theoretical history of New Realism. Secondly, I will focus my paper on the most important topics of new realism, and at the same time on the different philosophical theories (Ferraris, Meillassoux, Gabriel, Boghossian, Harman, Gratton) developed within the name of "New Realism". ; Entre las diferentes tendencias de la filosofía contemporánea, el llamado "nuevo realismo" es probablemente uno de los más interesantes. El "Nuevo Realismo" no es simplemente un "regreso" a la realidad, un reconocimiento banal y trivial de la existencia del mundo externo. Más bien, es un movimiento filosófico polémico (y por lo tanto político) contra el monopolio teórico, especialmente en la filosofía continental, gobernada por el discurso filosófico posmoderno. Por lo tanto, el Nuevo Realismo es una especie de antagonista filosófico de la posmodernidad. Sin embargo, no podemos reducir el Nuevo Realismo a la simple crítica de la posmodernidad. De hecho, el Nuevo Realismo es un movimiento filosófico multifacético y estratificado. Hay muchos Realismos Nuevos diferentes. Estos Nuevos Realismos incluyen diferentes autores, líneas y caminos de investigación, unidos por la crítica de la posmodernidad, pero distinguidos de muchas maneras. El objetivo de esta contribución es doble. En primer lugar, se rastreará brevemente la historia teórica del Nuevo Realismo. En segundo lugar, se pondrá el acento en las temáticas más importantes del nuevo realismo y, al mismo tiempo, en las diferentes teorías filosóficas (Ferraris, Meillassoux, Gabriel, Boghossian, Harman, Gratton) desarrolladas bajo la denominación de "Nuevo Realismo".

Thucydides is considered to be the founder of political realism. Even in those times he determined the basic premises of realism - security and survival. He made an impact on subsequent development of realism embodied in the works of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Morgenthau, Car, Niebuhr, Aaron, Waltz etc. They will call the system of international relations as anarchical one since there is no supreme arbitrator which will force states to adequate behaviour. His views of realism were given in the volume 'The Peloponnesian War' where he had determined the anarchy of the relationships among states. Such system did not rely on justice and morale, but force and power were the predominant facts. He also introduces the category of just wars by claiming that Sparta led a just war against the increased power of Athens, and observed morale principles. Nevertheless, Thucydides faces contradictory, since Sparta itself as the largest land force of that time had to use force in order to beat Athens. He went ahead since he considered force and power as a necessary condition to achieve other objectives, which was later on adopted by Raymond Aaron. Following the example of the war between Athens and Sparta, he successfully analysed bipolar system of balance of power in which the conflict between the leading members of the two opposite blocks was possible in the end, while beforehand there should have been conflicts among weaker members of both blocks. Thucydides explained the manifestation of force and power using example of the Melian dialogue between the envoys of Athens and Melos. It was about the pure politics of force of Athens regardless of the fact that Melos had its independence.

This article challenges the association between realist methodology and ideals of legitimacy. Many who seek a more "realistic" or "political" approach to political theory replace the familiar orientation towards a state of (perfect) justice with a structurally similar orientation towards a state of (sufficient) legitimacy. As a result, they fail to provide more reliable practical guidance, and wrongly displace radical demands. Rather than orienting action towards any state of affairs, I suggest that a more practically useful approach to political theory would directly address judgments, by comparing the concrete possibilities for action faced by real political actors.

In the United States, the nuclear-policy community considers the realist school of thought the gold standard of analytical excellence. Sometimes equated with theories of nuclear strategy and massive retaliation, sometimes with the inter-war intellectual debate on how to respond to the rise of fascist militarism in Europe, the distinction between realism and idealism effectively predetermines the positions and analytical arguments available for a new generation of policy professionals. This, in turn, leads to a repetitive and theoretically stale debate between the nation's foremost experts on technical and ethical matters of national interest. In order to stake out a new conceptual baseline for future policy discussions, this article suggests that it would be useful for nuclear-policy analysts to reacquaint themselves with the content and rhetorical strategies of classical realism in order to, firstly, enable a more humble and sociologically oriented form of nuclear-policy analysis and, secondly, make possible a new substantive debate beyond the narrow confines of neorealism on the one hand and classical nuclear strategy on the other. In making this argument, I am combining insights from my own ethnographic fieldwork among Washington's nuclear-policy elites, recent contextualist scholarship on classical realism, and critical theoretical analyses of the deeper social forces shaping US nuclear-policy making.

The variable tries to capture the degree of realism of the fictional entertainment format. It was used in a systematization of TV series and movies that aimed to structure the field with regard to politics in fictional entertainment (Eilders & Nitsch, 2014, 2015; Nitsch & Eilders, 2014). Field of application/theoretical foundation The perceived degree of realism is usually considered in effect studies (as a moderating variable). However, it can also be applied to the fictional content and helps differentiating the innumerable fictional productions. It might be assumed that fictional entertainment formats with many references to social reality elicit other effects than TV series and movies that do not include aspects that are familiar to the audience from real-life. References/combination with other methods of data collection --- Example study Eilders & Nitsch (2015) Information on Eilders & Nitsch, 2015 Authors: Christiane Eilders & Cordula Nitsch Research interest: empirical classification of movies and TV series regarding their political intensity and degree of realism Object of analysis: 114 movies and 98 TV series Timeframe of analysis: 1990-2013 Information about variable Variable name/definition: degree of realism Degree of realism is indicated through four variables: realism 1) in terms of events, 2) in terms of characters, 3) in terms of time, and 4) in terms of places. Every indicator was coded on a scale ranging from 0 (no realism at all) to 3 (high degree of realism). Realism in terms of events regards the degree to which the plot refers to real-life events (e.g., historical references, bank holidays). Realism of characters captures whether real actors or institutions are addressed in the plot. It was coded whether real characters played no role (0), a marginal role (1), a minor role (2), or a major role (3) in the TV series or movie. Realism in terms of time measures the time between the year of production and the year in which the fictional plot takes place. 0 was coded for plots ...