Political Parties, Games and Redistribution
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 151-154
ISSN: 0048-8402
In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 151-154
ISSN: 0048-8402
This paper analyses government instruments in terms of reducing market inequality. Government redistribution, realized through public spending and taxation, could be considered as a key element in order to ensure a more equal distribution of income between households. The first part of the paper focuses on the study, from a more theoretical perspective, of the role of the different types of tools that can be used by governments: social transfers (pensions, family benefits and unemployment benefits), taxation, conditional cash transfers (more common in developing countries), instruments of fiscal consolidation and the expenditure modifications that a government can carry out during a period of crisis. The second part of the paper entails a series of empirical analyses, based on LIS data, including some in-depth analyses with a specific focus on five countries that experienced a period of crisis: United States, Germany, Norway, Sweden and Brazil. For each country the analysis focuses on the effect of the transfers, taxation and public pensions on inequality.
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In: Reti Medievali E-Book
The essay attempts a survey of the economic and social impact of non-landed levies, meaning by this all the drainages of wealth in which the exercise of coercive powers played a decisive role. It follows a "macro" and "geo" economic approach, paying particular attention to the redistribution of wealth on the territory. After an inventory of the different types of levies, it proposes an overview for 4 macro-areas (1. the Alpine and Apennine areas; 2. the marginal areas; 3 the expanding areas of the South and Sicily: 4. Po Valley), with a focus on levies that appear to have the greatest impact. That is: tolls and other charges on trade; control of collective resources; personal burdens (military and civil); and also state taxes, monopolies or tributes belonging to the state and granted to the lords in various forms of delegation, not ubiquitous, but sometimes important. Only a few hints are dedicated to judicial proceeds, rights on the circulation of land and people, and tributes on the borderline with the landed-based ones.
In this article, I analyse the presence and the role played by the mythical legislator Lycurgus in Machiavelli's economic and political thought. I focus in particular on the issue of the redistribution of land in Sparta and the anti-aristocratic character that this measure takes on in Machiavelli. I assign central importance to the sources used by Machiavelli implicitly and explicitly. My thesis is that not only do the examples of Sparta and Rome not have to be opposed, but that one sheds light on and helps to understand the other, particularly through the extension of Spartan themes into the actions of the Gracchi in the Agrarian Reform.
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The «pension package» included in the 2017 Stability Law includes several measures which mark discontinuity vis à vis the austerity driven reforms of the period 2009-11. The new measures only expand old age expenditure, but they are also apparently innovative in their design and goals. By relying on the equity principle and promoting redistribution, the new reform actually aims at tackling the most severe social consequences produced by the combination of previous interventions with prolonged economic stagnation. The article assesses to what extent adopted measures may be considered effective, and may represent a first step towards the construction of a sustainable, adequate, and equitable pension system in Italy.
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The essay deals with some aspects of Ferrajoli's theory of democracy. After arguing in favor of adopting a strictly formal notion of democracy, the author focuses on the possible link between form and substance, government by the people and government for the people. On one hand, Rousseau's argument that people "always wants the good" is untenable. In other respects, it is unlikely that Ferrajoli's project of a radical redistribution of resources at the global level can be shared and implemented by members of the political and economic élite. If this is true, the defense of constitutionalism cannot be separated from a commitment to the extension of democracy. The link between form and substance is also relevant with regard to the theory of separation of powers. The distinction between legislative and executive power, which Ferrajoli seems to consider outdated, remains essential not only for reasons of principle, but also because a parliament that is representative of the plurality of political orientations of citizens decides differently than a government which is expression (at its best) of a majority.
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In: Lectio Magistralis
Social security systems are in crisis almost everywhere in the world, partly due to the bad management from the past, especially far back in time, and partly due to their intrinsic characteristics, which were not always well understood by those who designed them, and even less so by those who subsequently intervened to change them. However, removing the many layers that have gradually been added to the debate, it seems possible to focus on the few, truly relevant variables about the issue, to separate the political choices from the exogenous variables (the constraints), to bring out the consequences of the different possible choices in the long and short run, and thus to contribute to safeguarding one of the cornerstones the modern social state, even if it is downsized in the process. In doing so, it also seems appropriate to clarify the compromise point that is intended to be pursued between actuarial equity and redistribution, two unfortunately incompatible, but still very relevant goals, which have always (confusingly) been present in the debate on the social security systems.
The well-known connection between investment, growth and development requires that a political strategy that aims to overcome territorial gaps must be based on a redistribution of public resources for investments that favor the least favored regions in an adequately effective and compensatory manner. The aim of this work is to evaluate the consequentiality of political choices in Italy over the twenty years with respect to the objective of territorial rebalancing. After introducing the topic and recalling the hypotheses of territorial convergence / divergence (sections 1 and 2), this article presents the recent empirical evidence on the territorial distribution of public expenditure in Italy (sec. 3), emphasizing in particular public investment expenditure (sec. 4), and highlights the distortion to which the "additional" resources for the South have been subjected, assuming the character of substitutes for ordinary resources (sec. 5). The effects of the investment on territorial development in the Regions are referred to in sec. 6, while sec. 7 summarizes the results of the work, concluding about the need for a serious scrutiny of the quality of public investment, especially as far as the use of the European resources available in response to the pandemic is concerned.
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The well-known connection between investment, growth and development requires that a political strategy that aims to overcome ter- ritorial gaps must be based on a redistribution of public resources for investments that favor the least favored regions in an adequately effective and compensatory manner. The aim of this work is to evaluate the consequentiality of political choices in Italy over the twenty years with respect to the objective of territorial rebalancing. After introducing the topic and recalling the hypotheses of territorial convergence / divergence (sections 1 and 2), this article presents the recent empirical evidence on the territorial distribution of public expenditure in Italy (sec. 3), emphasizing in particular public investment expenditure (sec. 4), and highlights the distortion to which the "additional" resources for the South have been subjected, assuming the character of substitutes for ordinary resources (sec. 5). The effects of the investment on territorial development in the Regions are referred to in sec. 6, while sec. 7 summarizes the results of the work, concluding about the need for a serious scrutiny of the quality of public investment, especially as far as the use of the European resources available in response to the pandemic is concerned.
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New geographical trends in the global pharmaceutical industryThe article aims to outline the main trends in global pharmaceutical industry, currently affected by relevant changes, especially related to patent expirations and to the decline of R&D productivity. In the current scenario, US and Europe still have a strong leadership, both from the market and from the innovative capacity point of view. The new dynamics of the industry reveal, however, a new geography in the production, investment and consumption of drugs. Population growth and better economic conditions create a strong demand for healthcare in emerging economies, while in developed countries the demand remains weaker, reflecting cost containment policies. Shift in demand leads to a global redistribution of production capacity and an increase in competition among the advanced economies to consolidate and attract investments. New prospects are now opening for Big Pharma, which will have to face the competition of companies from China, India, Korea, Brazil. Innovation will be essential to compete. In this sense, locating R&D centers in the new global hotspots of innovation will certainly be a key factor for success.Les nouvelles trajectoires géographiques de l'industrie pharmaceutiquemondialeL'article analyse les dynamiques principales de l'industrie pharmaceutique mondiale, actuellement impliquée dans une série de changements importants, en particulier liées aux échéances de brevets et à la baisse de la productivité du secteur R&D. Dans le scénario actuel, les Etats-Unis et l'Europe exercent encore un leadership fort, tant du point de vue de la capacité d'innovation que du marché. L'étude des nouvelles dynamiques de l'industrie, cependant, révèle une nouvelle géographie de la production, des investissements et de la consommation de drogues. La croissance démographique et l'amélioration des conditions économiques font croître la demande de santé dans les économies émergentes, tandis que dans les pays développés cette demande est plus lente, reflétant les politiques de maîtrise des coûts. Le déplacement de la demande conduit à une redistribution globale des capacités de production et une augmentation de la concurrence entre les économies avancées pour consolider et attirer les investissements.De nouvelles perspectives s'ouvrent pour les Big Pharma, qui devraient se préparer à faire face à la concurrence des entreprises de la Chine, l'Inde, la Corée, le Brésil. Le match le plus important sera joué principalement sur le front de l'innovation. En ce sens, localiser leurs centres de R&D dans le nouveaux hotspots mondiales de l'innovation sera certainement un facteur clé.
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In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 3-25
ISSN: 0048-8402
Since its inception in the late 1950s & for about three decades the process of European integration (EI) did not significantly interfere with the logic of functioning of the nation-based welfare states. EI had essentially to do with "market making" at a continental level. Solidarity, redistribution & social justice only concerned national communities & remained essentially a business of national governments. The 1990s have however witnessed the emergence of increasing strains in the relationship between "Europe" & "solidarity." With its emphasis on sound budgets, competition, market promotion, free circulation, etc, EI has increasingly transformed itself as a source of "threat" for the national social models. Competition rules & the four freedoms have started to interfere with various domestic practices of social sharing. This logic of "opening" tends to clash with the logic of "closure" which historically inspired the formation of welfare states & which still largely underpins their programs today. The tension between the two logics is clearly revealed by opinion surveys. So far, the "tightening" of the link between EI & the nation-based welfare state has been promoted by the former ("Brussels"), privileging "market making" & insisting on the need for reform & "modernization" of traditional social protection schemes at the domestic level. But some adaptation is needed also on the side of EI, i.e., of its overall mission, institutional logic & constitutional framework. This is admittedly a difficult task, but it is not beyond reach. The paper suggests a number of strategies for reconciling within the EU institutional framework the reasons & "logics" of the two prime drivers of progress on the European tradition, i.e. the marketplace & the welfare state. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The article deals with the economic, political, and social structures of the area between Ravenna and Comacchio, starting from the exploitation of the coastal wetlands, first of all for the production and distribution of salt (not only locally but also towards the internal area of the Kingdom of Italy). The role of the archbishops is reconstructed. They were the main, but not exclusive, heirs of the complex of assets and rights pertaining to the ancient Exarchate, and the main actors in the redistribution of these resources, flanked by the most eminent lay and ecclesiastical subjects on the Ravenna scene. Ample space is given to the political and economic weight of the fiscal assets, widely present in the area, which preserved a persistent public label and remained constantly at the center of political competition, frequently changing hands. ; L'articolo tratta delle strutture economiche, politiche e sociali dell'area tra Ravenna e Comacchio a partire dallo sfruttamento delle aree umide costiere, in primo luogo per la coltivazione e distribuzione del sale (non solo a livello locale ma anche verso l'area interna del regno italico). Viene ricostruito il ruolo degli arcivescovi, eredi principali, ma non esclusivi, del complesso di beni e diritti di pertinenza dell'antico Esarcato, nonché principali attori della ridistribuzione di tali risorse, affiancati dai soggetti laici ed ecclesiastici più eminenti sulla scena ravennate. Ampio spazio viene dato al peso politico ed economico dei beni fiscali, largamente presenti nell'area, che conservarono una persistente etichetta pubblica e restarono costantemente al centro della competizione politica passando frequentemente di mano.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/10280/20590
Ricostruire la storia di un processo evolutivo consente di comprenderne a pieno i risultati: questo lo scopo della presente tesi dottorale che intende indagare sulle origini, gli studi e lo sviluppo di due sistemi fiscali, italiano e svizzero. Ripercorrendo scambi epistolari, documenti e testi, talvolta inediti, di studiosi della levatura di Blumenstein e Vanoni, intercorsi nel periodo di fioritura del fondamento etico e scientifico del processo legislativo tributario italiano ed elvetico, compreso tra il 1938 ed il 1950, è stato possibile delineare quel fil rouge, il quale, passando sia per i fondamentali concetti di natura etico-politica sia per quelli strettamente tecnici, conduce alla scoperta della profonda commistione di principi di equità sociale, come la graduazione del prelievo fiscale, capacità contributiva e redistribuzione dei redditi, che assurgono nella formulazione del diritto tributario in Italia e nella Confederazione svizzera quali elementi essenziali nel perseguimento della giustizia fiscale. ; Travel through history is necessary to deeply understand the results of an evolutional iter: this Doctoral thesis aims to analize origins, studies and the development of two different taxation frameworks, the italian and the swiss one. Indeed, unreleased exchange of letters, documents and texts, elapsed between 1938 and 1950 among renowed academics – with a particular focus on the work of Blumenstein and Vanoni – which represent a concrete supply to the thriving taxation law systems, lead to the identification of the fil rouge which, passing thorught both etichal and politic concepts and technical aspects, underlines the deep commixture of supreme principles of social equity, such as the graduation of tax charging, ability to pay and redistribution of wealth, which arise as benchmarks to reach the scope of fiscal justice both in Italy and Switzerland.
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Sommario: L'articolo propone un'analisi concettuale dei fondamenti del Modello Sociale Europeo come sistema di welfare multilivello. In particolare, espone l'importanza della sussidiarietà amministrativa tra i diversi livelli della governance europea come un elemento centrale della cittadinanza sociale. Con questa espressione viene definita l'articolazione strategica tra legittimità sovra-nazionale e responsabilità sub-statale che ottimizza l'implementazione di politiche pubbliche. L'impatto dei cosiddetti "nuovi rischi sociali" (NSR) dipende dalle possibilità di sviluppo sociale, strutturale ed istituzionale delle comunità locali. In questo senso, l'autonomia fiscale a livello regionale è un aspetto centrale per garantire politiche redistributive e di solidarietà. Partendo da queste riflessioni, nell'ultima sezione si valuta come la governance multilivello possa rafforzare la cittadinanza sociale europea grazie all'interscambio di esperienze positive e innovative tra diversi stati membri, specialmente nell'attuale congiuntura di instabilità economica internazionale. Abstract: In this article we carry out a conceptual review of European Social Model's basic issues as a multilevel welfare system. We outline administrative subsidiarity between different levels of European governance as one of the main pillar of social citizenship. With such expression we define the strategic configuration between transnational legitimacy and sub-state accountability in the provision of public policies. The impact of the so-called "new social risks" (NSR) relies on the social, structural and institutional development of local communities. According to that, financial autonomy at a regional level is a key resource for policy innovation together with the concomitants issues of redistribution and solidarity. Starting from these issues, the concluding section of the paper puts forward the idea that the advancement of social citizenship in the European Union may be best achieved through the interchange of positive and innovative experiences among and within member states, especially in the current international situation of economic instability. ; Peer reviewed
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This research theorizes an ongoing, global, grand trend of geopolitical disintegration, in the Post-Cold War, and increasingly in post-1989 time. The proposed paradigm may be useful to analyze redistribution of internal power within every state, from developed old Western powers, to new developed powers as China and India, well beyond the dissolved former real-socialist countries and the so-called failing states. The focus is on not empirical description of each local request of more autonomy, self-government, or even independence, but on the reached limits of the centuries-long and planet-wide integration process, from which the modern states and contemporary world have arisen, and that has now left room to a time of disintegration. This insight draws on a wide range of positions and contributions from International Relations theorists, along with other political scientists and scholars of geopolitics, anthropologists and sociologists, political geographers and economists, historians of colonialism and nationalism, experts of secession, critics of globalization and postmodern intellectuals, federalists and anarchists. * The first of the three parts of this study, is dedicated to an historical insight about the geopolitical integration process that had westernized and globalized the entire world. War, the state and expansionism, were not an inevitable destiny. Instead, a very small group of modern states, in competition and imitation amongst themselves, started a particularly steady conquering march on the planet. Their power expanded in intensity and extension for centuries and, with and because of the Industrial Revolution, culminated in totalitarian states and in total wars. * * The second part treats the social and national movements that have led to the end, in 1989, of the bipolar paramountcy of the two industrial superpowers, United States and Soviet Union. Along with the dissolution of blocs and states, a steady decreasing of states wars, crimes and violences, is registered and explained in the study. A slippery use of the word and concept of nationalism, particularly in post-1989 geopolitical crises, is frontally attacked in this part, drawing from early works of Ernest Gellner and Tom Nairn. Under the umbrella term of nationalism, integrationist projects and their victims, colonizers and colonized, oppressors and resistants, are likely to be confused. An early intuition of Karl Deutsch about the social awareness and mobilization of people in post-totalitarian, post-industrial and post-colonial societies, is here crossed with the work about coercion, capital, inclusion and consent of Charles Tilly. Masses, once enslaved in industrialized obedience, have evolved in networks of active citizens – and netizens – able, in a less violent international system, to claim for more personal liberties but also, as communities, for social, economical, and geopolitical change. A theoretical conjecture is also presented in this second part: in the Post-Cold War, no old or new powers will be able to keep enough concentration of power, in order to compete for world domination. We have entered a permissive state of disintegration. Redistribution of power from center to peripheries, empowerment of federal units, multiplication of small states, may occur, from now on, because there is nobody and nothing capable of preventing it. From this geopolitical point of view, the 1989 is at the very beginning. While sharing certain premises of a well-known thoughtful article by Alexander Wendt, on the inevitability of a world state (2003), this work reaches a different conclusion. * * * In the third and last part, the scope and the nature of the break in the sameness of international life is explored, with normative purposes. History is not repeating, and integration prejudices along with integrationist projects should be overcome. Every state may substantially devolve powers to its internal authorities, or even breakup, and many new smaller states, or self-governing units within states, might come out. In this increasing number of polities, an overwhelming number of citizens may go well beyond electoral democracy and have direct access to power. They may coalesce around what Brian Ferguson defined an «identerest» complex: constructed identities and tangible interests, inextricably intertwined. Citizens and netizens demanding power on their own territories and disintegration of their states, are required to take care of citizenry's duties, not only citizenship's rights. A model of responsible, moderate, pragmatic, «princely citizenry», echoing Machiavelli and Gramsci, is here proposed. -|- Acquisitions of this study are bluntly offered as a contribution to political action in a time of geopolitical change, in which it would be important to rely on expertise, but also on compassion, and on a real interest in the historical and geographical, spiritual and material pathways that each local, concrete human community is pursuing. Western-led state-building hubris, for instance, should be put aside in Afghanistan and many other corners of the world, it is recommend by this study. In favor of bottom-up cantonization, for example, an ancient Swiss wisdom which would deserve more consideration in a changing world. While burdened by the contradictions of modernity and menaced by recurrent economical and ecological crises, local princely citizenries, demanding sovereignty in their place of dwelling, are probably the main and the best possible challengers to the status quo. Concentrating on their territory and population, they may change their everyday reality, overcoming political corruption, bureaucratic impotence, economical inequality, ecological destruction. It may reveal be easier to scale down, rather than tear down, the pyramids of oppression. Leopold Kohr, Ivan Illich and don Lorenzo Milani's prophecies of justice and peace in geopolitical smallness, may become inspiring visions, in a time of disintegration.
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