Suchergebnisse

This research is aimed to analyzing and understanding the actions of the Head of Boalemo Regency in mutate the Civil Servant based on the mutation policy and also to analyze the filling positions in the implementation of the mutation of Civil Servants in Boalemo Regency. The method used in this research is Empirical Juridical Method. The results of the research were found that mutations of Civil Servant are enhancement over the years in Boalemo Regency. Injustice in determining mutations is marked by work placements that are not compatible with Civil Servants' educational background. There is a political interest in the Government of Boalemo Regency which caused injustice in the mutation of the Civil Servants.

"Regional Institutions and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

Corresponding to the global proliferation of inter-state activities at the regional level since the end of the Cold War, Eurasia has experienced a surge of regional agreements and organizations. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, more than 29 regional organizations (ROs) with significant membership and agenda overlap have emerged. These organizations differ significantly in terms of institutional design. Organizations that were created in the 1990s and early 2000s display very limited or no pooling of authority and low to moderate delegation. Regional organizations that were established during the past decade show pronounced delegation and median pooling. A mapping based on formal treaty analysis shows a general deepening of regional integration over time. It also reveals three phases of Eurasian regionalism with distinct integration dynamics and goals. Especially the third phase is surprising, as we do not only witness the increase of political authority of ROs, but also a more consequent implementation of agreements and the introduction of supranational elements. This deepening of regionalism is puzzling in light of 1) the rather recent independence of the Eurasian states and their colonial past under Russian domination, 2) the
level of autocracy in the region, and 3) the presence of a regional hegemon, which has moreover recently experienced an authoritarian backlash. Relying on the concept of political authority, the first part of this paper gives an overview of the development of formal regional integration in Eurasia during the past 25 years. The second part of the paper asks why Russia and the smaller Eurasian states go along with increasing authority transfers to ROs. Based on a series of elite interviews conducted in Russian in February and March 2017, potential drivers of Eurasian regionalism are explained, with particular attention to Russian
motives. The paper concludes with an outlook on avenues for future research.

Corresponding to the global proliferation of inter-state activities at the regional level since the end of the Cold War, Eurasia has experienced a surge of regional agreements and organizations. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, more than 29 regional organizations (ROs) with significant membership and agenda overlap have emerged. These organizations differ significantly in terms of institutional design. Organizations that were created in the 1990s and early 2000s display very limited or no pooling of authority and low to moderate delegation. Regional organizations that were established during the past decade show pronounced delegation and median pooling. A mapping based on formal treaty analysis shows a general deepening of regional integration over time. It also reveals three phases of Eurasian regionalism with distinct integration dynamics and goals. Especially the third phase is surprising, as we do not only witness the increase of political authority of ROs, but also a more consequent implementation of agreements and the introduction of supranational elements. This deepening of regionalism is puzzling in light of 1) the rather recent independence of the Eurasian states and their colonial past under Russian domination, 2) the level of autocracy in the region, and 3) the presence of a regional hegemon, which has moreover recently experienced an authoritarian backlash. Relying on the concept of political authority, the first part of this paper gives an overview of the development of formal regional integration in Eurasia during the past 25 years. The second part of the paper asks why Russia and the smaller Eurasian states go along with increasing authority transfers to ROs. Based on a series of elite interviews conducted in Russian in February and March 2017, potential drivers of Eurasian regionalism are explained, with particular attention to Russian motives. The paper concludes with an outlook on avenues for future research.

Taxes as a source of State revenue are very important objects because most of the types of State revenue come from taxes. Due to this condition, it is necessary to have firm regulation for both tax authorities and taxpayers to maximize revenue from the tax sector. This writing aims to analyze the legality aspects of local government authorities in collecting and auditing local taxes. This is a normative legal research with a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. The results show that local government has the authority to collect local taxes as a consequence of the concept of regional autonomy, which emphasized that regional revenue is a source of financing for regional development. The Law of Local Taxation and Retribution provides greater authority to regions than before in administering regional taxes and levies. The enactment of the Regional Government Law and the Central and Regional Financial Balancing Law then regulates the expansion of tax objects and the determination of tax rates. Meanwhile, audit action in regional taxation is one of the efforts to save financial management by testing the correctness of the sustainability of financial planning and operations that are recorded in the form of taxpayer financial statements. This audit effort is part of the tax collection process regulated in the General Provisions and Tax Procedures in an effort to enforce central and regional tax collection.

In Indonesia, regional regulation review, particularly regional regulations for taxes and regional levies, has entered a new phase following the passage of Law No. 1 of 2022 about Financial Relations between Central and Regional Governments. In accordance with the provisions of Article 245 of Law No. 23 of 2014 on Regional Government, the regional regulation of regional taxes and levies is one of the regional regulations that must first receive central government approval before being promulgated through a preventive monitoring mechanism while it is still in draft form. This provision is in accordance with the Constitutional Court Decision Number 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and the Constitutional Court Decision Number 56/PUU-XIV/2016 which have eliminated the authority of the central government to be able to carry out repressive supervision, and only allow the application of preventive controls. But then again, following the enactment of Law No. 1 of 2022, the provisions of Article 245 of Law No. 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government were repealed and repressive supervision was reinstated, especially on regional regulations on regional taxes and levies through Article 99 Paragraph (2) of Law No. 1 of 2022 concerning the Financial Relations of the Central and Regional Governments. This research aims to determine the legal consequences of the enactment of Article 99 Paragraph (2) of Law Number 1 of 2022. This research is normative legal research that employs both a statutory and an analytical method. According to the findings of the author's investigation, Article 99 paragraph (2) of Law No. 1 of 2022 concerning Financial Relations of the Central and Regional Governments is not in accordance with Article 24A paragraph (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945, and give rise to Dualism of Authority to review Regional Regulations of Regional Taxes and Levies in Indonesia, and thereby a judicial review must be submitted to the Constitutional Court as soon as possible.

Law Number 23 of 2014 requires local governments to obtain a register number in the formation of the Perda (regional regulation) as part of supervision. Furthermore, Law Number 15 Year 2019 requires Regional Governments to harmonize, unify, and implement conceptions of the formation of Regional Regulations as part of coaching. In the context of regional autonomy, the constitution gives authority to the regions to regulate and manage government affairs by themselves according to the principles of autonomy and duty of assistance as well as to carry out the broadest possible autonomy. The research aims to study and explain the methods and stages used by the central government in fostering and supervising regional legal products from the perspective of autonomy and their material boundaries. The method used in this research is normative legal research method.harmonizing, rounding off and stabilizing conception. While supervision by giving register numbers, clarifications, and cancellations.The limitation of guidance and supervision material is based on the category of legal products classified as facilitation or evaluation.

Dissidents can choose among different tactics to redress political grievances, yet violent and nonviolent mobilization tend to be studied in isolation. We examine why some countries see the emergence of organized dissident activity over governmental claims, and why in some cases these organizational claims result in civil wars or nonviolent campaigns, while others see no large-scale collective action. We develop a two-stage theoretical framework examining the organized articulation of political grievance and then large-scale violent and nonviolent collective action. We test implications of this framework using new data on governmental incompatibilities in a random sample of 101 states from 1960 to 2012. We show that factors such as demography, economic development, and civil society have differential effects on these different stages and outcomes of mobilization. We demonstrate that the common finding that anocracies are more prone to civil war primarily stems from such regimes being more prone to see maximalist political demands that could lead to violent mobilization, depending on other factors conducive to creating focused military capacity. We find that non-democracy generally promotes nonviolent campaigns as anocracies and autocracies are both more likely to experience claims and more prone to nonviolent campaigns, conditional on claims.

Molotch, Stone, and others demonstrated that business leaders exercise major influence in American urban politics. Business leaders with local economic interests have long promoted growth in American cities. This article discusses the historical influence of Atlanta's business leaders in the city's economic growth and focuses on their role in the policy shifts in the 1990s, from unfettered growth to "smart growth." In response to Atlanta's worsened image for attracting business and the restrictions imposed by the EPA in using federal money, Atlanta's business leaders led the political process that created the Georgia Regional Transportation Authority. The implications of this process for the theories of urban politics and the future directions for regional governance are discussed.