Suchergebnisse

Jednym z największych osiągnięć procesu transformacji społeczno-politycznej w Polsce jest szeroka decentralizacja sfery władztwa publicznego. Obowiązująca obecnie ustawa o samorządzie gminnym doprowadziła do restytucji zjawiska władzy lokalnej w Polsce, a zarazem stanowiła pierwszy krok do dalszych reform samorządowych zwieńczonych ustanowieniem samorządu powiatowego i wojewódzkiego. Z dniem 1 stycznia 1999 r. wprowadzono zasadniczy trójstopniowy podział terytorialny państwa, którego jednostkami stały się gminy, powiaty i szczególnie nas interesujące województwa. Reforma samorządowa obejmując swoim zasięgiem województwa spowodowała, że nastąpiła istotna zmiana jakościowa, bowiem województwa - regiony uzyskały podmiotowość co usytuowało je na płaszczyźnie partnerskich relacji w stosunku do władz centralnych. Piętnaście lat funkcjonowania samorządu regionalnego w Polsce skłania do refleksji dotyczącej efektywności podjętych wówczas działań i kierunków dalszego rozwoju samorządu na poziomie województwa. Jest to niezwykle istotne, bowiem w demokratycznym, zdecentralizowanym państwie to właśnie samorządowy region odgrywa coraz większą rolę w promowaniu, stymulowaniu i finansowaniu ze środków publicznych inicjatyw służących rozwojowi społeczno-gospodarczemu. Od sprawnej realizacji tych zadań, a także zmiany zasad generowania przychodów budżetowych samorządu, zależy w głównej mierze przyszłe funkcjonowanie województw i to czy będą one mieć wystarczające środki na realizację programów rozwoju regionalnego. ; One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the extensive decentralization of public authorities. The current law on municipal government has brought about the restoration of the phenomenon of local governance in Poland, thus becoming the beginning of further local government reform, topped with the establishment of district and regional government. January 1, 1999 marks the introduction of the principal three-tier territorial division of the state, organized from then on into municipalities, counties and regions, the latter being of particular interest to us here. The reform of local government encompassed the regions, resulting in a significant qualitative change, as regions were granted the status of separate entities, thus becoming partners in relations with the centralauthorities. The fifteen years of regional government in Poland calls for reflections on the efficiency of the steps taken then, and the directions of further advancement of local government at a regional level. This issue is of utmost importance, since in a democratic, decentralized state, locally governed regions play an increasingly significant role in promoting, stimulating and providing public financing for initiatives serving socio-economic development. Effective fulfillment of these tasks, coupled with changing principles of how to generate the budget revenue of local governments, lies among the main conditions for the future operations of the regions, and ensuring appropriate means to implement regional development projects.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to explain why the Euro­pean Union perceives globalisation as the challenge for its regional development and how this assumption influences on regional development management. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem concerns the issue of globalisation as the process which is estimated by the EU as the opportunity and challenge for its regional development at the same time. As a result the EU develops multi-level political system in which, along sovereign states, there are transnational and subnational political actors which have been engaged in regional development management. The research methods used in the study consist of an institutional and legal analysis of the major policy docu­ments, actors and regional development management instruments that they use. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The introduction presents the principal methodological assumptions concerning the analysed research area, the applied conceptual approach and the research methods. The main body of the article discusses why the European Union perceives globalisation as the challenge and opportunity for regions' competitiveness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis shows that the scope of competences of the EU with regard to regional development management was laid out in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union; however, the globalisa­tion affects the formulation of strategic directions of EU actions in this area and implementation of relevant interventions of the European Regional Development Fund and European Social Fund. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In accordance to the European Commission globalisation creates conditions and challenges in the scope of regions' economic development. In order to prepare the regions for global competitiveness in the EU, authority is spread among different decision making and implementing levels which have the sources and knowledge required in the process of increasing regions' competitiveness. ; Celem artykułu jest ananliza wpływu procesów globalizacji na zarządzanie rozwojem regionalnym w Unii Europejskiej, w kontekście wzrostu konkurencyjności unijnych regionów w gospodarce globalnej. Problem badawczy odnosi się do określenia zakresu kompetencji odnoszących się do zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym implementowanych na rzecz poprawy ich pozycji konkurencyjnej w gospodarce globalnej. W tym kontekście omówiony został proces umacniania się wielopoziomowego charakteru systemu politycznego UE, w którym obok suwerennych państw, funkcjonują ponadnarodowi i subnarodowi aktorzy polityczni. Wykorzystane metody badawcze obejmują analizę instytucjonalno-prawną, odnoszącą się do głównych aktorów polityki oraz instrumentów zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym przez nich stosowanych, a także ustalenia zawarte w najnowszej literaturze przedmiotu. We wstępie przedstawione zostały jego główne założenia metodologiczne obejmujące analizowany obszar badawczy, wykorzystane podejście koncepcyjne i metody badawcze. W dalszej, zasadniczej części tekstu omówione zostały uwarunkowania kształtowania konkurencyjności regionów w gospodarce globalnej oraz wskazany zakres kompetencji i instrumenty stosowane przez UE na rzecz wzrostu konkurencyjności regionów, z odniesieniem do roli samych regionów w powyższym procesie. Wyniki analizy wskazują, że zakres kompetencji UE w obszarze zarządzania rozwojem regionalnym został określony w Traktacie o Funkcjonowaniu UE, natomiast presja globalnej konkurencyjności ma wpływ na formułowanie strategicznych kierunków działań UE w tym zakresie i podporządkowanie im interwencji Europejski Fundusz Rozowju Regionalnego i Europejski Fundusz Społeczny. Globalizacja kreuje uwarunkowania i wyzwania w zakresie rozwoju gospodarczego regionów. Efektem jej oddziaływania jest redefinicja roli poszczególnych aktorów politycznych w procesach zarządzania rozwojem.

In a relatively short time the Internet has become one of the main and the most important media of our times. The increasing number of users, as well as the growth of its role and importance in almost every aspect of social and economic life have led in recent years to the intensification of the discussion on the future of the Internet and the way it should be governed. From the very beginning the Internet developed bottom-up without a decision-making center responsible for its development. There are many organizations in the world operating at local, regional and global levels, that focus on different aspects of its operation and development. This process called "Internet governance" is the process within which governments, information and communication technology (ICT) companies and civil society work together to set standards, values, norms and decisions that shape the way we use the World Wide Web. This article attempts to explain this phenomenon, shows the origins of the dispute between the supporters of the multistakeholder model of the Internet governance. It also presents the proposals of some states to strengthen the role of governments in this process and presents the position of the European Union, which in this discussion may play a key role as a mediator in the debate about the future of the Internet governance. ; Internet w stosunkowo krótkim czasie stał się jednym z głównych i najistotniejszych mediów naszych czasów. Wzrastająca liczba jego użytkowników, jak również wzrost jego roli i znaczenia w niemalże każdym aspekcie życia społeczno-gospodarczego spowodowały w ostatnich latach nasilenie się dyskusji na temat przyszłości internetu i sposobu w jaki powinien być zarządzany. Internet od samego początku rozwijał się oddolnie bez centralnego ośrodka decyzyjnego. Na świecie funkcjonuje wiele organizacji działających na poziomie lokalnym, regionalnym i globalnym, które skupiają się na różnych aspektach jego działania i rozwoju. Proces nazywany "zarządzanie Internetem" (Internet Governance), to proces, w którym rządy, przedsiębiorstwa z branży technologii informacyjnych i komunikacyjnych oraz społeczeństwo obywatelskie wspólnie wypracowują standardy, wartości, normy i decyzje, które kształtują sposób, w jaki użytkowana jest sieć. Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje próbę wyjaśnienia tego zjawiska, przedstawia genezę sporu pomiędzy zwolennikami wielostronnego modelu zarządzania internetem oraz państwami postulującymi wzmocnienie roli rządów w tym procesie oraz prezentuje stanowisko Unii Europejskiej, która może w tej dyskusji odegrać kluczową rolę stając się mediatorem w debacie o przyszłym modelu zarządzania internetem.

The subject of the analysis in the article is the participation of the local government administration in running a cultural institution. The situation in the Podlaskie voivodship has been analyzed on a nationwide basis. The main problems focus on the principles and methods of financing cultural institutions by regional self-government and various ways of obtaining additional, extra-budgetary funding for their activities, especially from Ministry of Culture and National Heritage and the European Union. The author points to spatial, social, and financial diversification related to the access to cultural events and participation in them using the example of Podlaskie voivodship. He propounds greater professionalisation related to running cultural institutions at the level of the voivodship as well as conducting pro-development cultural policy by local government units. He also stresses the need for activating local and regional communities in connection with cultural events and participation in organizing them. Participation in culture at the local and regional level and prudent government policy in this area are the foundation for building a strong social and regional identity.

This study examines Russia's policies towards and within the Councilof the Baltic Sea States in the aftermath of the Ukrainian and other internationalcrises. More specifically, this paper analyses Russia's interest in andexpectations from the CBSS, as well as Moscow's institutional behaviour in theCouncil. The CBSS is viewed by Russia as both a centrepiece and cornerstoneof the regional governance system. Moscow also sees the CBSS as an importanttool for overcoming the politico-diplomatic isolation where Russia founditself with the start of the Ukrainian crisis. With the help of the CBSS, it retainsits ability to influence socioeconomic, political, environmental, and humanitariandevelopments in the Baltic Sea region. Russia supported the Council'sthree long-term priority areas: a regional identity, a sustainable and prosperousregion, and a safe and secure region. Russia favoured further the Council'sinstitutionalization and strengthening of its role in the regional governancesystem. Despite the fact that Russia's relations with other CBSS member-statesremain tense and that Moscow does not always manage to use the Councilto promote its interests in the region, the CBSS is still seen by Russia as animportant platform for regional cooperation.

The economic crisis, which caused the reduction of local governments' budgets, accelerated the reforms of the territorial organization in many European countries. The said reforms were aimed not only to limit spending and simplify structures, but also to make governments the engine of economic growth. In Polish conditions we rarely talk about reforms of local government in the context of overcoming the results of the crisis. Since the regional reform of 1999, there has been no sign of deeper and braver reform of local government, which is particularly noticeable in the absence of metropolis in the structure of territorial units. The importance of metropolitan areas and their consistent management has been noticed only recently, which is reflected in the Act Amending the Act on Local Government in force since 1 January 2016. A response to the challenges of large urban areas were to be Integrated Territorial Investments (ITI), the realization of which, however, does not seem optimistic as far as the social capital deficit of Polish government elites at concerned. At the moment we can therefore speak about the conditions of metropolization without the metropolis. This state of affairs is unlikely to change quickly by another project of "metropolitan act" that has been prepared and that emerged in the course of the election campaign preceding the general elections at the end of October 2015.

Genetically modified organisms' development and commercialization has been a subject of public debate for almost two decades. The risk of GMO commercialization, irreversibility, and unpredictable long-term consequences have been of special interest. Thus, risk analysis and risk governance are perceived as a state-of-the-art issue in terms of a norm setting process. This article analyses the legal solutions for regulating GMOs' risk governance introduced in the European Union. EU legislation in the area of GMOs is an example of a stringent model of risk governance based on the precautionary principle and the dispersal of competencies between supranational, state, regional, and individual levels. The aforementioned model is an example of both Europeanization with a spill-over effect and counter-Europeanization. Moreover, the model can be defined as polycentric governance, where horizontal and vertical integration is present. ; Rozwój i upowszechnienie organizmów genetycznie zmodyfikowanych stanowi przedmiot debaty publicznej od prawie dwóch dekad. Tematem szczególnie istotnym jest ryzyko związane z komercjalizacją GMO, problem nieodwracalności i nieprzewidywalności skutków odłożonych w czasie. Dlatego wśród zagadnień poddawanych normatywizacji szczególne naczenie zyskuje analiza i zarządzanie ryzykiem innowacji technologicznych. Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza rozwiązań w obszarze zarządzania ryzykiem GMO wypracowanych przez Unię Europejską. Rozwiązania prawne przyjęte w UE są przykładem restrykcyjnego modelu zarządzania ryzykiem opartego na zasadzie ostrożności, rozproszeniu kompetencji pomiędzy poziom ponadnarodowy, państwowy, regionalny czy jednostkowy. Model ten jest przykładem zarówno procesu europeizacji z widocznym efektem spill-over, jak również przeciweuropeizacji. Jest to ponadto przykład policentrycznego zarządzania, gdzie mamy do czynienia z integracją horyzontalną i wertykalną z udziałem wielu podmiotów.

The presented study is an attempt to indicate the impact of the concept of multilevel-governance (multi-level governance), well-established in the provisions related to the planning and implementation of the EU policies, with a view to developing forms of cooperation between public administration and its environment. This can be observed in the field of regulations relating to preparation of a contract partnership and creation of strategies and programs connected with the implementation of cohesion and development policy, which was adopted within the European Union. They precisely determine transformation of the Polish law in this area in the direction of adapting it to the EU law, and thus, influence the intensity of forms of cooperation as well between administrative bodies as social and economic partners. This, in turn, results in the intensification of network type connections in the vertical and horizontal planes that reveal new organizational and legal forms in the preparation and implementation phases of development tasks at the national, regional and local levels.

The author analyses the selected mechanisms in the spatial (planning) policy as well as its outcomes. He points out at the sources of complexity within this area, patterns of order and chaos. His hypothesis claims that unsatisfactory results come from the low level of the state's governability in the area of policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. It also derives from inadequate institutional and analytical potential. As a consequence, public institutions are not able to use the regulatory instruments in an adequate way as well as to pay a proper attention to the policy analysis, including the consequences and long-term effects of spatial chaos. According to the author, cultural background seems to be important while trying to understand the state's problems in the area of spatial policy. It leads to the fact that spatial issues are rather lower on the public agenda among other public concerns (like economic or developmental goals).

The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra-regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion. ; The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.

The idea of European unity is a political challenge that has been addressed in various forms since the states started forming in the vicinities of the Rhine, Danube and Elbe. In the course of history European integration has evolved to face the challenges of a) merging, crossing and diffusion of cultural patterns represented by different local, regional and supra- regional communities; b) the submission or conquests of regions by empires and imposing defined patterns of cultural life on them; c) the reinforcement of the continental identity vis à vis other civilizations, in particular Asiatic ones; d) the guarantee of safety for states and nations as well as the promotion of the ideas of liberty, the rule of law, self-governance and democracy. In creating the spiritual unity of Europe, the repertoire of values developed by the cultural life of ancient Greece and Rome, as well as Judeo-Christian communities, is commonly referred to. European identity is characterized by a division into cultural and political identification. The idea of European unity is both an intellectual, and a theoretical-doctrinal concept, oriented at the broadest range of cultural and civilizational integration of the continent, as well as a concrete political and economic undertaking. At present, particular significance is attached to the attitude of public opinion when implementing it. The Union's integration is an aspect of numerous implementation projects which depends on the support and legitimization of public opinion.

The contradictions and conflicts were, are and will be widespread. There are in all human communities, even in the world of politics, economy and finance. A potential source of conflicts are contradictions. When a conflict of interest is disclosed, a conflict situation arises. In addition to the conflict that brings positive effects there are also destructive conflicts that contribute to the disorganization states, regional communities, institutions and firms. The contradictions of financial interests and destructive conflicts in the sphere of finance are at the heart of research undertaken in this article. The key research problem is therefore the answer to the question of how to minimize the negative consequences of destructive conflicts in the sphere of finance. The main objective is to develop a theoretical and methodological framework for the theory of conflicts in the financial sphere, and to formulate an original concept of good integrated governance, based mainly on assumptions of ordoliberalism. ; Sprzeczności i konflikty były, są i będą zjawiskiem powszechnym i wszechobecnym. Występują we wszystkich ludzkich wspólnotach, również w świecie polityki, gospodarki i finansów. Potencjalnym źródłem konfliktów są sprzeczności. Kiedy sprzeczność interesów zostaje ujawniona, powstaje sytuacja konfliktowa. Oprócz konfliktów interesów, które przynoszą skutki pozytywne, występują też konflikty destruktywne, które przyczyniają się do dezorganizacji państw, społeczności regionalnych, instytucji i przedsiębiorstw. Sprzeczności interesów finansowych i konflikty destruktywne w sferze finansów znajdują się w centrum rozważań w niniejszym artykule. Kluczowym problemem badawczym jest odpowiedź na pytanie o sposoby minimalizowania negatywnych konsekwencji konfliktów destruktywnych w sferze finansów. Celem głównym jest opracowanie podstaw/ram teoretyczno-metodycznych do teorii konfliktów w sferze finansów wraz ze sformułowaniem oryginalnej koncepcji good integrated governance, opartej głównie na założeniach ordoliberalizmu.

After 1989, the Hungarian minority in Romania could receive basic rights, the execution of which — without mayor conflict — is followed by the subsequent governments. This was the result of an over two decades long process. In the first period, between 1989 and 1996, Romanian nationalism did not allow for substantial changes in the approach to the Hungarian minority. Only after the Hungarian-Romanian Treaty on Understanding, Cooperation, and Good Neighbourship, the two countries started their cooperation, which gradually reduced the tension on the international level and allowed for the creation of a legal system guaranteeing basic right of the Hungarian minority in Romania. Surely, the actions and skilfully created programme of the largest Hungarian political party in Romania, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romanian: Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România, UDMR, Hungarian: Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövets ég, RMDSZ), a regional party, that was able to secure a place on the political scene as a co-ruling party or lend its support to the government in order to achieve its goals through participation in politics on the central level, contributed to the creation of a well-functioning legal system in 1996–2011. The UDMR tries to use its participation in the elections to the European Parliament, in which it has two representatives, to implement its own policy, i.e. the elaboration appropriate programs of regional cooperation in the name of the idea of a "Europe of the regions". Accession to the EU, adopting the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages served as a basis for adopting a range of acts sought by the UDMR. In 2001, Victor Orbán's government established the Hungarian's Card, which led to ethnic tensions. Its amendment normalised the tense situation between Budapest and Bucharest. Currently, the aspiration to obtain political and territorial autonomy for Hungarians in Transylvania, which is contrary to the provision of the constitution of Romania — is increasing and causing conflicts, which antagonises the Romanians, who are afraid that such demands may result in losing a part of Transylvania, towards the Hungarian minority. Nationalist Hungarian parties in Parliament support these demands. The government does not reject them either. UDMR, officially emphasising the development of infrastructure in Transylvania and the education of the Hungarian minority, aims at decentralisation of power a self-governance in order to take over some competences of the central authorities. ; After 1989, the Hungarian minority in Romania could receive basic rights, the execution of which — without mayor conflict — is followed by the subsequent governments. This was the result of an over two decades long process. In the first period, between 1989 and 1996, Romanian nationalism did not allow for substantial changes in the approach to the Hungarian minority. Only after the Hungarian-Romanian Treaty on Understanding, Cooperation, and Good Neighbourship, the two countries started their cooperation, which gradually reduced the tension on the international level and allowed for the creation of a legal system guaranteeing basic right of the Hungarian minority in Romania. Surely, the actions and skilfully created programme of the largest Hungarian political party in Romania, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romanian: Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România, UDMR, Hungarian: Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövets ég, RMDSZ), a regional party, that was able to secure a place on the political scene as a co-ruling party or lend its support to the government in order to achieve its goals through participation in politics on the central level, contributed to the creation of a well-functioning legal system in 1996–2011. The UDMR tries to use its participation in the elections to the European Parliament, in which it has two representatives, to implement its own policy, i.e. the elaboration appropriate programs of regional cooperation in the name of the idea of a "Europe of the regions". Accession to the EU, adopting the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages served as a basis for adopting a range of acts sought by the UDMR. In 2001, Victor Orbán's government established the Hungarian's Card, which led to ethnic tensions. Its amendment normalised the tense situation between Budapest and Bucharest. Currently, the aspiration to obtain political and territorial autonomy for Hungarians in Transylvania, which is contrary to the provision of the constitution of Romania — is increasing and causing conflicts, which antagonises the Romanians, who are afraid that such demands may result in losing a part of Transylvania, towards the Hungarian minority. Nationalist Hungarian parties in Parliament support these demands. The government does not reject them either. UDMR, officially emphasising the development of infrastructure in Transylvania and the education of the Hungarian minority, aims at decentralisation of power a self-governance in order to take over some competences of the central authorities.

25 lat działalności samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce to okres w historii Polski szczególny – czas dynamicznych zmian politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych, których samorządy w znaczącym stopniu były kreatorami. I trzeba przyznać, że to właśnie te pierwsze, najtrudniejsze przecież lata nie miały sobie równych, bo tak ogromnego entuzjazmu i zaangażowania społecznego nie udało się osiągnąć już nigdy później. Miałem szczęście uczestniczyć w budowaniu samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce niemal od początku, na wszystkich jego szczeblach.Na obejmujących swe funkcje samorządowcach spoczęła ogromna odpowiedzialność, bo kredyt zaufania, jakim ich obdarzono, związany był z ogromnymi oczekiwaniami społecznymi: 25 lat temu nie chodziło przecież tylko o możliwość przeprowadzenia wyborów samorządowych, ale o fundamentalne zmiany we wszystkich dziedzinach życia. Decentralizacja i demokratyzacja polskiego państwa nie byłyby możliwe bez samorządów. To one włączały w przemiany całe społeczeństwo, uczyły odpowiedzialności i transparentności działania.Budowa samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce była też ogromną operacją logistyczną, na niespotykana dotąd skalę ‒ 25 lat temu ponad 100 tysięcy osób z urzędników państwowych zmieniło się w samorządowych, zdobywając nowe umiejętności i kompetencje, m.in. korzystając z wcześniejszych doświadczeń innych krajów. W wyniku komunalizacji mienia gminy przejęły wtedy kilka milionów nieruchomości i ponad 1500 przedsiębiorstw.Doświadczenia legislacyjne i organizacyjne pierwszego etapu reformy pozwoliły już jednak w 1991 r. rozpocząć prace nad jej drugim etapem – tworzeniem samorządów powiatowych i wojewódzkich, co nastąpiło po ośmiu latach. Samorząd regionalny powstawał już w momencie, gdy Polska przygotowywała się na przyjęcie unijnych środków przedakcesyjnych, w których podziale samorządy regionalne miały odgrywać znaczącą rolę. To na samorządach regionalnych spoczęła odpowiedzialność za tworzenie warunków do rozwoju województwa i wzrostu jego konkurencyjności.A przed nami kolejne ogromne wyzwanie – optymalne wykorzystanie środków unijnych z okresu budżetowego 2014-2020. Nie mam żadnych wątpliwości, że zrobimy to dobrze. ; The 25 years of activity of self-government in Poland occupy a special place in Polish history. It has been a period of dynamic political, social and economic changes and self-government units have been to a large extent creators of that change. Undoubtedly, the first years, which were also the most difficult ones, played a crucial role, and never again has it been possible to achieve the same level of enthusiasm and social involvement in the process. I was lucky to participate in the building of self-governing structures in Poland from the very beginning and at all levels.There was huge responsibility placed on the shoulders of those who were appointed to the function of a local self-government officer. The credit of trust given to them was charged with enormous social expectations. The stake 25 years ago was not only the possibility of free elections; it was the fundamental changes in all aspect of life. Decentralisation and democtratisation of the Polish state would not have been possible without active engagement of self-government, which involved the entire society in the process of change, they taught responsibility and transparency.The building of self-government in Poland was a huge logistic project, on a scale not previously encountered. Over 100 thousand state clerks transformed into independent officials, learning new skills and competences, also drawing on experiences of other countries. In result of the processof passing state property to local governments, communes and municipalities (gmina) received several millions of plots of land and over acquired over 1,500 enterprises. The experiences gained in the legislative and organisational work of the first stage of the self-governance reform, enabled Poland to enter the second stage of the reform in 1989 and to commence work of the building of district (powiat) and regional (voivodship) self-government structures. That process was completed 8 years later. Self-governance at the regional level was being developed when Poland was about to receive pre-accession funds from the European Union, a lucky moment since it was self-government that was to play a vital role in their distribution. Regional self-government is also responsible for facilitating suitable and supporting conditions for regional development and competitiveness of regions.Today, we are facing another challenge which is an optimal use of the EU funds allocated to Poland from the 2014-2020 budget. I have no doubts that we shall do it well.

Health insurance expenditures on drug refunds in 2004-2012Drug expenditures in each country account for a large share in total health expenditures. Hence experts, media and societies are becoming very interested in the drug policy in their country, where one of the important components is reimbursement/refund policy. Good governance in the drug sector means not only taking up allocation, redistribution and stabilization tasks that belong to the government, but also taking into consideration differences in interests of different stakeholders on the drug market. If it is disregarded, even ideal theoretical solutions will not work in market reality. This article presents and comments basic facts on development of universal health insurance expenditures on drug refund in the last 13 years in Poland, especially in 2012 after implementation of the new bill on refund policy. This law led to a dramatic decrease in drug refund cost share in total expenditures of the National Health Fund (Narodowy Fundusz Zdrowia, NFZ) from 15% in 2011 to 11.2% in 2012. Still the share of drug refund has already had a decreasing tendency in NFZ expenditures starting from 2005. Available data contradict suspicions that savings on drug refunds in NFZ has led to an increase in patients' health expenditures on prescription drugs. Costs of substitutive full-price drugs (equivalents for refunded ones) bought by Polish patients in 2012 increased only by 650 mln PLN, while NFZ's refund expenditures decreased by almost 2 billion PLN, and patients' copayment in the case of refunded drugs dropped by one billion PLN. However, drug consumption was reduced. Conducted analysis also showed a systematic, and positive for patients, growth in the share of almost fully refunded drugs – drugs with low fixed copayments (from 49% in 2004 to almost 65% in 2012) and lower 30% patients' copayment in NFZ refunds. Which in fact is in contradiction with the common opinion that NFZ is running a policy of shifting more drug costs on patients. What is concerning are regional discrepancies (between regional – voievodship branches) in refund expenditures per insured person (the difference between the highest and lowest is 49 PLN – 28%).