This paper examines the history of regional integration in Africa, what has motivated it, the different initiatives that African governments have pursued, the nature of the integration process, and the current challenges. Regional integration is seen as a rational response to the difficulties faced by a continent with many small national markets and landlocked countries. As a result, African governments have concluded a very large number of regional integration arrangements, several of which have significant membership overlap. While characterized by ambitious targets, they have a dismally poor implementation record. Part of the problem may lie in the paradigm of linear market integration, marked by stepwise integration of goods, labour and capital markets, and eventually monetary and fiscal integration. This tends to focus on border measures such as the import tariff. However, supply-side constraints may be more important. A deeper integration agenda that includes services, investment, competition policy and other behind-the-border issues can address the national-level supply-side constraints far more effectively than an agenda which focuses almost exclusively on border measures.
This report, part of the "Cities" collection, highlights the contribution of border towns to the process of regional integration in West Africa. For 18 countries, six indicators are used to identify the specificities of border towns at the local, national and international levels: demography, urban morphology, formal enterprises, health infrastructure, road accessibility, border control posts. These indicators are analysed from the perspective of three geographical scales of regional integration (density, distance and division). The report details the economic and institutional obstacles facing border towns. It concludes with place-based political options to facilitate the economic and political development of West African border towns
Nowadays world economy is becoming more and more integrated due to regional integrations. Many economists, politicians argue about theeffectiveness of these regional integrations. The purpose of the research paper is to analyze the functions of these integrations, their goals,aims and the benefits for the member country. The research was conducted by several methods, the previous researches about the regionalintegrations issue were analyzed; the survey and interview were conducted. The result is that the membership of some influential and strongregional integration gives some benefits to the country; many countries have been developed and made impressive progress with the help ofregional integrations. But to conclude, behind the benefits there is politics on which the policy of international organizations and their actionsdepends. Sometimes a member country has to give up its independence and freedom of choice, it should act more carefully, because it is partof integration and has higher responsibility.
The aim of the present contribution is two-fold. First, we are going to briefly overview the theoretical arguments suggesting that regional economic integration may enhance the process of real economic convergence or catching up by less-advanced members of integration arrangements towards the development levels prevailing in more advanced member countries. Second, as an empirical test of the foregoing theoretical claims, we will embark on an analysis of actual economic growth paths of the present member countries of the enlarged European Union – both the 'old' (i.e. EU-15) and 'new' ones that is ten transition economies from East-Central Europe who joined the EU in 2004 or 2007, respectively (CEE-10 or EU-10). In particular, we will try to show that the process of regional integration in Europe tended as a rule to enhance the real economic convergence of income levels both within the EU-15 group as well as between the new (EU-10) and the old (EU-15) member countries.
In the absence of sound Democracy, the realisation of Regional Integration in Africa will just be a cosmetic. To meet/address Democratic Governance challenges such as accountability, transparency, respect for human rights, competition, efficient and economical uses of resources and maximum output, constitutionalism must central in all African Countries without which Regional Integration will just be an illusion. No one country can do it all by itself as no one is an island and this makes Regional Integration very crucial for the rapid development of African Countries and Africa as whole in order to achieve the human development of Mama Africa. There is a need to institute and implement sound policies, laws and strong institutions for realising democratic norms and values to facilitate the Regional Integration process of the African Continent. Africa must integrate within itself first before thinking beyond the borders. Without African countries integrating meaningfully among themselves all other integration schemes may not be sustainable in addressing African Problems.
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Die Entscheidung der afrikanischen Staats- und Regierungschefs zur Schaffung einer Pan-Afrikanischen Freihandelszone (AfCFTA) im Jahr 2018 war nicht nur eine politische Entscheidung mit wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen. Sie hat auch bedeutende ethische Dimensionen. Dies betrifft nicht nur einen möglichen Kompromiß zwischen Wirtschaftswachstum und Wohlergehen, Beschäftigung, Erschöpfung der natürlichen Ressourcen und damit verbundenen ökologischen und geschlechtsspezifischen Problemen. Die AfCFTA wird sich auch auf die Ausbreitung von Fremdenfeindlichkeit, Nationalismus und Populismus auswirken, die sich wahrscheinlich aus der Zunahme der Kapital- und Arbeitskräftemobilität ergibt. ABSTRACT : The decision of African leaders on the creation of an African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in 2018 was not merely a political decision with economic implications. It has significant and complex ethical dimensions too. This, not only concerning a possible trade-off between economic growth and well-being, employment, the depletion of natural resources and related ecological and gender problems. AfCFTA will also impact on growing xenophobia, nationalism and populism, the likely outcome of growing capital and labour mobility. RÉSUMÉ : La décision des dirigeants africains de créer une zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECA) en 2018 n'était pas simplement une décision politique ayant des implications économiques. Il comporte également des dimensions éthiques importantes et complexes. Cela ne concerne pas seulement un éventuel compromis entre croissance économique et bien-être, emploi, envois de fonds, corruption, épuisement des ressources naturelles et problèmes écologiques et de genre connexes. Le ZLECA aura également un impact sur la xénophobie croissante, le nationalisme et le populisme, le résultat probable de la mobilité croissante du capital et de la main-d'oeuvre. ; Short version, in German, of : Kohnert, Dirk (2019): The ethics of African regional and continental integration. MPRA WP, ...
Theories of regional integration typically analyze the regional integration process from the perspective of a single discipline, usually economics. However, such one-dimensional analytical frameworks cannot fully capture the richness and complexity of the inherently multi-dimensional regional integration process. To address the problem, we propose the regional integration evaluation (RIE) methodology which is based on four dimensions of development – economic, political, social and technological. The central idea behind the RIE methodology is that regional development promotes regional integration. Our RIE methodology differs from the existing literature in that it is based on a more comprehensive definition of development than just economic development. Our definition of a region's development incorporates the development levels of all regional countries as well as differences in development levels among regional countries. We apply the RIE methodology to assess the regional development and hence integration prospects of NAFTA, ASEAN, MERCOSUR and EU.
This study is focused on the evaluation of successes and failures of the Common Market of the South (Mercosur). This analysis of Mercosur's integration seeks to identify the reasons why the bloc has stagnated in an incomplete customs union condition, although it was originally created to achieve a common market status. To understand the evolution of Mercosur, the study offers some thoughts about the role of the European Union (
Durch die Umbrüche in der arabischen Welt mit ihrer andauernden Dynamik erscheinen Prognosen über zukünftige regionale Integration im Orient unmöglich. Die Region des Nahen Ostens ist auch weiterhin Schauplatz zahlreicher militärischer Konflikte und religiöser und ethnischer Spannungen, die teilweise seit Jahrhunderten bestehen. Bereits jetzt steht jedoch fest, dass die arabischen Revolutionen die geostrategische Wirklichkeit des Nahen Ostens nachhaltig verändern werden. Es ist ungewiss, welche strategischen und politischen Allianzen in der Region entstehen und wie sich die Machtverhältnisse entwickeln werden. Die postrevolutionären Regime in Tunesien, Ägypten und Libyen befinden sich noch in einer Konsolidierungsphase, welche eine außenpolitische Positionierung derzeit nicht erkennen lässt. In Syrien herrscht seit Jahren ein Bürgerkrieg ohne aussichtsreiche Lösungsperspektive, der sich destabilisierend auf das gesamte regionale Umfeld auswirken könnte. Währenddessen intensiviert sich die sicherheitspolitische und ökonomische Allianz der arabischen Monarchien, die außenpolitisch als Gegengewicht zum Iran fungiert und innenpolitisch der Eindämmung der Reform- und Revolutionsbewegung dient. Die Golfmonarchien sind von den Demonstrationen und Umbrüchen bislang weitgehend verschont geblieben. Unter den monarchisch regierten Golfstaaten kam es lediglich in Bahrain und Oman zu größeren Demonstrationen und gewaltsamen Auseinandersetzungen. Den übrigen Rentierstaaten am Golf gelang es, sich durch weitere Steuergeschenke, die substantielle Ausweitung sozialer Dienste und Subventionen den Machterhalt sprichwörtlich zu erkaufen. Trotz widriger Umstände gibt es auch im Nahen Osten eine Vielzahl von Projekten regionaler Integration. Zu diesen regionalen Ansätzen gehören u.a. die Arabische Liga, der Arabische Gemeinsame Markt, die Arabische Maghreb Union, die Organisation für Wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und schlussendlich der Golf-Kooperationsrat (GCC). Die für diese Region verhältnismäßig stabilen Golfmonarchien bilden ...
Im Idealfall bilden die Kopenhagener Kriterien zusammen mit dem Art.-7-Verfahren EUV einen lückenlosen Schutzmechanismus der EU-Werte. Die Verfassungskrisen in Ungarn und Polen haben allerdings nicht nur die Schwächen des Art.-7-Verfahren aufgedeckt, sondern auch die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die gegenwärtige Anwendungsweise des Kopenhagener Mechanismus ausreichend ist. Da das Beitrittsverfahren an sich Regierung-zentrisch ist, ist es offenkundig, dass dieses Verfahren nicht viel dazu beiträgt, die Bürger in den politischen Prozess ihres Landes einzubinden und die Zivilgesellschaft zu stärken. Es dauert eine gewisse Zeit, bis die konstitutionelle Grundwerte in die Herzen der Bürger eines neulich demokratisierten Landes gebracht werden. Die EU wurde allerdings dadurch unter Zeitdruck gesetzt, dass sie die Osterweiterung in einem relativ kurzen Zeitraum vollenden musste, um die Gunst der Stunde für ein vereintes Europa nutzen können. Der aktuellen Zustand der EU entspricht dem echten Bund im Schmittschen Sinn. Die Substanz der Homogenität in einem echten Bund ist das Produkt des Zusammenspiels der Verfassungsordnung des Bundes und seiner Mitglieder. Daraus ergibt sich, dass mit jedem Beitritt eines neuen Mitgliedstaats die Verfassungsidentität der EU mit einer neuen Verfassungsidentität angereichert und wesentlich geändert wird. Wenn man die Eingriffskapazität der EU in die innerstaatlichen Verfassungsordnungen über die heutige Intensität hinaus noch verstärken will, darf man die politische Natur der Werte-Frage in einem echten Bund nicht außer Acht lassen. Der Priorisierung der politischen Kriterien vor den wirtschaftlichen Kriterien, mit der die EU die Beitrittsverhandlungen durchgeführt hat, ist für Taiwans China-Politik ebenso wichtig. Eine entscheidende Aufgabe für Taiwan ist, klar zu machen, dass Taiwan politische Verhandlungen nur mit einem Ansprechpartner führen wird, der die gleichen politischen Werte einhält. ; In the course of developing a general theory aiming at reversing and preventing the deterioration of political values in the European and East-Asian context, this study answered two sets of questions. First, on the empirical level, how reasonable and effective are the current pre-accession evaluations? Regarding the existing deterioration in the post-accession context, does it reflect any short coming in the way the EU implements the Copenhagen Criteria? Since Taiwan has not established such monitoring mechanism yet, what are the damages already done to Taiwan's constitutional values? Second, on the normative level, this study followed two very different approaches. On the one hand, it clarified where the limits of judicial solution to this problem are. The fact that the sanction procedures prescribed in the current Art. 7 TEU take the form of collective actions revealed that what is at stake here is a shared value system. On the other hand, this study took into account the interaction between law and politics. The accession of new member states, as well the sanction against member states which failed to respect the political values of the Union, are in essence political decisions of the European Union. Since Taiwan needs to set up political conditions for it negotiations with China, the task is highly political, too. By identifying elements that caused or prevented the deterioration of political values, this study proposed suggestions for correcting and preventing deterioration by understanding its operation. A protective mechanism for Taiwan's political values can create a reverse "lock-in effect." By enunciating stringent negotiation guidelines and a code of conduct for Taiwanese government that requires cautiousness and vigilance, this mechanism will place the cross-strait negotiations under a legal framework which ensures that any given Taiwanese government could not sacrifice Taiwan's constitutional values in exchange for advancing its political agenda.
Regional integration through the establishment of regional groupings has been taunted as a gateway to regional development and growth, the coming together of countries to share and contribute to knowledge, policy development, peace and security, trade and educational development is undoubtedly seen as the key to the development of Southern Africa. However, regional integration in Southern Africa has been hampered by numerous challenges which have derailed the quest of regional countries to deepen integration and cooperation. By strictly analyzing relevant literature related to regional integration in Southern Africa, it became evident that the region is engulfed with serious challenges that are hindering the quest for deeper integration, and often this is further compounded by internal economic challenges that members' states are faced with. The study uncovered the fact that regional integration has been difficult to entrench as member states are confronted with numerous internal challenges which are diverting their need to focus on regional matters. Consequently, regional integration is under threat in Southern Africa as many countries are not effectively prioritizing the development of policies aimed at aiding its entrenchment, mainly because of the significance of the challenges that they are facing and this will further affect members' states regarding socioeconomic development. The study underscored the importance for regional governments to cooperate on issues of common threats and urgently develop and institute policies/mechanisms that would ensure the entrenchment of regional integration and more importantly its sustainability.
The principal driving force behind regionalism in the 1990s and onwards is the increased globalization of production process and the aim of countries to pool together regional markets in order to enhance their attractiveness as production hub for global production. Understanding the political economy underpinnings of this new regionalism needs a theoretical framework that takes increasing returns to scale into account. In part one of this dissertation some initial attempts towards this direction are undertaken. The second part takes a more applied approach in the analysis of regionalism. Specifically, the political economy determinants of EU Trade policy is studied, as well as the effectiveness of ASEAN preferentialism.
Political motives, geography, and the uneven distribution of gains trumped the traditional efficiency gains across Africa's Regional Economic Communities (RECs). The small, sparsely populated, fragmented, and often isolated economies across Africa make a compelling case for these economies to integrate regionally to reap efficiency gains, exploit economies of scale, and reduce the thickness of borders. But lack of complementarities among partners and diminishing returns to the exploitation of resources has reduced supply response to market-integration-oriented regional policies. Additionally, a very uneven distribution of resources has sharpened the trade-off between the benefits of common policies needed to tackle cross-border externalities and their costs, which are heightened by the sharp differences in policy preferences across members. African RECs have pursued the 'linear model' of integration with a stepwise integration of goods, labour, and capital markets, as well as eventual monetary and fiscal integration. With the exception of the franc zone, the RECs have not yet completed goods-markets integration; the lack of adjustment funds to address the uneven distribution of benefits across partners contributing to the delay. Estimates reported here reveal the shortcomings of the linear model of integration, as behind-the-border measures aiming to reduce trade costs were largely ignored across African RECs until recently. While this is probably due to the difficulty in gaining the confidence necessary to get collection action started, many behind-the-border measures could still have been undertaken unilaterally.
This book brings together experts from around the world to consider specific issues pertaining to regional integration and governance within small states. The authors collectively address the challenges posed to small states by the quickened pace of globalisation. The lessons learnt from the experiences of small states are then used to draw policy lessons for the Pacific island countries. Pacific Islands Regional Integration and Governance will be of interest and relevance to academics and advanced students of the Pacific, its history and current challenges, as well as the general reader who has an interest in the area.
After the World War II mankind entered a new phase of international relations development. It is characterized by extension of international economic, political and cultural collaboration; intensification of internationalization and globalization processes, further more world community tends to greater integration, greater foreseeability, and growth of organization and development control mechanisms. In this job the accent is laid upon analyses of regional integration, which is one of the key methods of solving globalization challenges. Before dwelling upon integration in Africa, it is necessary to define the notion of integration and globalization, analyze the way they intercourse and trace the way globalization process influences the integration process in Africa.
