Suchergebnisse

Partindo de um quadro teórico neo-gramsciano crítico à globalização, este artigo aplica a nova teoria do regionalismo (NTR) e a teoria do regionalismo regulatório (TRR) à sua análise e teorização dos tratados de comércio da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos da Nossa América (ALBA-TCP) como regionalismo contra-hegemônico na América Latina e Caribe (ALC). A ALBA está centrada na ideia de um Socialismo do Século XXI, que, como (inicialmente) também a Revolução Bolivariana da Venezuela, substitui a 'vantagem competitiva' pela 'vantagem cooperativa'. Em seu caráter de conjunto de processos multidimensionais e transnacionais a ALBA-TCP opera dentro de/transversalmente a um número de setores e escalas, ao mesmo passo que as transformações estruturais são movidas pela interação de agentes do Estado e agentes não estatais. A política de Educação Superior para Todos (ESPT) do governo venezuelano rejeita a agenda neoliberal globalizada de mercadorização, privatização e elitismo e reinvindica educação pública gratuita em todos os níveis como um direito humano fundamental. A ESPT está sendo regionalizado em um espaço educacional emergente da ALBA e assume um papel-chave nos processos de democracia direta e participatória, dos quais a construção popular (bottom-up) da contra-hegemonia e a redefinição política e econômica da ALC dependem. Antes de produzir sujeitos empreendedores conformes ao capitalismo global, a ESPT procura formar subjetividades ao longo de valores morais de solidariedade e cooperação. Isso será ilustrado com referência a um estudo etnográfico de caso da Universidade Bolivariana da Venezuela (UBV). ; This paper employs new regionalism theory and regulatory regionalism theory in its analysis and theorisation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism. As (initially) the regionalisation of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution, ALBA is centred around the idea of a 21st Century Socialism that replaces the 'competitive advantage' with the 'cooperative advantage'. ALBA, as a set of multi-dimensional inter- and transnational processes, operates within and across a range of sectors and scales whilst the structural transformations are driven by the interplay of state and non-state actors. The Venezuelan government's Higher Education For All (HEFA) policy, which is being regionalised within an emergent ALBA education space, assumes a key role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which a bottom-up construction of counter-hegemony depends. HEFA challenges the globalised neoliberal higher education agenda of commoditisation, privatisation and elitism. Rather than producing enterprising subjects fashioned for global capitalism, HEFA seeks to form subjectivities along the moral values of solidarity and cooperation.

The purpose of this article is to open up a series of theoretical perspectives on the study of contemporary international organizations (IOs) & regionalism & to highlight the close connections that exist between the analysis of contemporary IOs, regionalism & the major theoretical debates in the academic study of International Relations. This article focuses on the various theoretical approaches to the study of IOs & regionalism. The ways analysts have studied those issues have changed dramatically over the last 50 or more years. It does not press the theoretical strengths of anyone school, but rather tries to give an idea of what the theoretical landscape looks like. Adapted from the source document.

A decade after the rise of post-liberal regionalism, strong movements are emerging to the detriment of their survival, both in the case of UNASUR and ALBA. What factors explained the emergence of these post-liberal regionalism schemes? Can the weakening of these factors explain the current exhaustion of this wave of regionalism? We assume that ideological convergence and regional leadership are facilitators of regionalism. However, we conjecture that ideological affinity by itself cannot account for variable patterns in regional cooperation. Especially in the period of post-liberal regionalism, Brazil's and Venezuela's will (with Presidents Lula da Silva and Hugo Chávez) to lead was central, and therefore, both the emergence and the decline of ALBA and UNASUR can be explained predominantly by the swings of regional leadership.

The article analyzes the evolution of regionalism in Latin America from the 1990s. It exhibits the options that consider to the countries in their foreign policies against the initiatives of the United States and the changes in the international system. One sets out the functional importance of the emergent powers (PEMS) and the regions in the present phase of Capitalism. Finally, the article analyzes the perspective of regionalism in Latin America as much in the international system as in the construction of a regional model of governance. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyzes the complex process that Latin American regionalism has experienced in the two decades of the 21st century and its current impasse. The first part of the paper discusses the era of post-hegemonic regionalism and its limitations. The second part contemplates the arrival of conservative governments and their impact on regionalist strategy, especially in South America. Finally, the response of the Latin American blocs to the Covid-19 pandemic is examined.

The article presents an analysis of the recent dismantling of the Union of South-American Nations (UNASUR) under the governments of the liberal-conservative turn recently experienced in South America. Through the mobilization of excerpts from speeches by Heads of State in the region, it is possible to note that the allegedly "ideological" character of UNASUR is presented as the main justification for leaving the institution. Having that in mind, the main objective of the article is to interrogate narratives about the 'ideological' character of UNASUL. For that, the article presents a literature review on regionalism, pragmatism and ideology to challenge this narrative. It is argued, first, that pragmatism and ideology in regionalism are not dichotomous, but complementary concepts. Moreover, despite UNASUR's ideological elements, the organization represents a series of alignments and pragmatic factors in its institutionalization and performance. Finally, it is argued that the proposals for "de-ideologization" and "pragmatic realignment" of the regionalism of the new rights in South America are, in fact, more ideological than pragmatic as they claim.

The Informal economy in Brazil creates strong linkages between the country & Guyana, Surinam, Venezuela & the French Guyana. For this reason it allows us to think of a Caribbean-Brazilian Amazon. Both Surinam & Guyana, the latter a host to CARICOM, deal with migration flows of Brazilian miners escaping unemployment. The clandestine economy sets the stage for cultural geopolitics & is more efficient than diplomacy in bringing Caribbean countries closer together. Adapted from the source document.