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Bibliography: leaves 124-129. ; The concept of religion in South Africa has been distorted by religious and racial prejuidices. This problem is particularly evident in public schools South African schools have taught Christianity as the only authentic religion, in fact as the only truth. Black parents have not been given a choice of religion for their children. The white government has decided for them Based on the assumption that Christianity is the only legitimate religion, the state has suppressed African indigenous religion at every level of society, but especially in the schools. The thesis examines the indigenous beliefs and practices of the black people in South Africa which were suppressed by Western culture and Christianity. It reveals all the distortions about African Religion by the outside researchers in order to uproot the black people from their way of life so as to colonise them. As a result all the black children are taught to regard Christianity as a "Religion" and their own religion as "culture", the implication being that blacks had no religion until the white man came with Christianity. The thesis also investigates the feelings of the black people about recovering their indigenous religion by having it as a subject in schools. The results reveal that the majority of blacks never dissociated themselves with their religion. Although most are Christians in principle, deep down they practise their own religion. It has also been discovered that there are great lamentations amongst most blacks over the "loss" of some of the indigenous practices. Most have felt alienated from their heritage and identity. It is therefore the interest of the blacks in South Africa that African Religion be taught in schools.

Religion has had a profound influence on the geography, culture, politics, and artistic life of Sydney. While religion has mostly been a conservative force, preserving traditions transported from home societies, it has also reflected the setting and people of Sydney, its harbour, bushland and suburbs. This article reviews the history of religion in Sydney and the role it has played in the lives of those who have made their home here.

This article discusses the position of religion in politics that has relation to leadership. The main argumentation of this research is religion will constantly become a political power and social movement. In one side the research has a different opinion from the integration politic paradigm and secular that proposed by Hasan al-Bannā and 'Alī Abd. al-Rāziq, but in other side, it has reinforced the two paradigms. By using literature study and descriptive method and philosophical historical approach, it indicates Islam will constantly exist and has influence in the political process. Although Islam is not depending on politics and on the contrary. Islam and politic are both integrated dimensions of life, so both are not able to be separated from social political dynamics.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

The relationship between translation and religion, as well as between the translator and the development of religious attitude and behaviour, is of interest to many sciences such as psychology, anthropology, or the sociology of religion, but also to translating. The concept of "monastic translation" (Bueno 2007), or more broadly "religious translation", supports this approach. The relationship of the sacred scriptures with their author undoubtedly marks some differences in translation, which also influence their reception. The identity of the translator is also an important factor in understanding the commitment to the work and function of the target text. The time and space in which this translation work takes place undoubtedly condition the result and allow for the consideration of multiple variants and consequences of their task. The consequences and impact of religious translation on different societies or political systems are measured from the Ancient Age to the Middle Ages and from the Middle Ages to Humanism, the Modern Age or the Contemporary Age. In the age of geographical discovery, the expansion of religions and their translations had very different consequences, depending on the identity of the populations or the character of the recipients of the religious message. Starting from the most well-known religions and the translation activity carried out within them, we analyse here the characteristics of the text, the behaviour of the translator (believer or non-believer, apologetic or critical of the religious system in question) and the value of the translation from multiple perspectives: linguistic, religious, anthropological, sociological, political, etc. From a more general point of view, the value of contemporary or past texts is also examined, as well as the reactions of the recipient to the translated texts, whether they are from the same or a different period.

Cécile Laborde's Liberalism's Religion proposes liberal principles to address political controversies over religion. One is the public reason requirement that reasons for state policies should be accessible. Another is the civic inclusiveness requirement according to which symbolic religious establishment is wrong when it communicates that religious identity is a component of civic identity. A third is the claim that liberal states have meta-jurisdictional authority to settle the boundary between what counts as religion and what counts as non-religion. The article considers whether Laborde has managed to articulate these three principles in a way that is operationalisable and can serve to provide solutions to practical controversies over religion. It is argued that Laborde's formulations leave important issues open, and some ways of settling these issues are considered. ; Cécile Laborde's Liberalism's Religion proposes liberal principles to address political controversies over religion. One is the public reason requirement that reasons for state policies should be accessible. Another is the civic inclusiveness requirement according to which symbolic religious establishment is wrong when it communicates that religious identity is a component of civic identity. A third is the claim that liberal states have meta-jurisdictional authority to settle the boundary between what counts as religion and what counts as non-religion. The article considers whether Laborde has managed to articulate these three principles in a way that is operationalisable and can serve to provide solutions to practical controversies over religion. It is argued that Laborde's formulations leave important issues open, and some ways of settling these issues are considered.

The relationship between populism and religion is complex because populists hijack religion but are often more interested in belonging than believing. This is one reason why there is a growing distance between populists and many leaders of mainline churches. To understand this complex field, we have to take social crises seriously and see how a static religion is, according to Henri Bergson, the first response to the precariousness of human life. This type of religion has led to closed societies leaning toward pseudospeciation and parochial altruism. Bergson, however, did not only describe static religion but also recognized dynamic religion leading to an open society. Jesus Christs Sermon on the Mount, with its call to love ones enemy, is his key example. By going beyond Bergson, we can recognize dynamic religion as the mystic core of all world religions. Dynamic religion enables a universal fraternity, which is an essential element of every democracy in overcoming its populist temptations by respecting, internally, the rights of minorities and, externally, the universal human rights. Three examples from different religious backgrounds show how dynamic religion supports democracy through fraternity: the fraternal tradition in modern Catholicism, the Muslim philosopher S.B. Diagne and the Hindu M.K. Gandhi. ; (VLID)5254209 ; Version of record

Gözaydın, İştar -- (Dogus Author) Conference full title: Istanbul Spring School: Islam and The Non-Muslim Other: Doctrines, Attitudes, and Practices, 26-28 March 2012. Istanbul: Liberales Institute. ; This article is primarily concerned in a power struggle within Turkey for over the last 80 years, leaving aside a much longer one of 200 years. Working on religion, politics and politics of religion anywhere involves varies parties as the state, the society, and the individual of the political body of that given country. In order to try to understand the statereligion relationship in Turkey, I suggest that Presidency of Religious Affairs / Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı should be scrutinized as an initial step. Within the Turkish society, there have been existing an increasing friction between two groups that may roughly be defined as laicists1 and Islamists2 during the whole republican era ongoing since 1923, but has become more visible especially in the 1990's. In this article, I will be debating on the basic and crucial questions, as I perceive it, 'what is a capacitated democracy and how to achieve it?' in the context of law and politics in Turkey. Actually, in order to evolve my argument, I will initially be focusing on the development of the relations among the state, the groups in society, and religion in the Republic of Turkey. Then, I will be discussing the need and possibility of a mutually acceptable ground for a peaceful coexistence in this country. Obviously my preference to work on the last 80 years instead of the 200 year span of the phenomenon stems out of my acceptance of the republican times to be a more visible stage of the above mentioned contestation. ; The Netherlands Interuniversity Scholl for Islamic Studies (NISIS), The Instıtute D'etudes De l' Islam Et Des Societes Du Monde Musluman

The 22nd annual conference of the European Consortium for Church and State Research took place from 11 to 14 November 2010 in Trier, Germany. Founded in 1989, the Consortium unites experts of law and religion of all Member States of the European Union. In annual meetings, various topics of the relations between religions and states within the European Union are discussed. This year- conference was dedicated to the topic "Religion in Public Education". Scholars from 27 European countries discussed inter alia the role of religion in the European member states" educational systems, opting out of school obligations for religious reasons, home schooling as well as religious dress and symbols in public schools. The present proceedings contain the opening lectures, all country reports and a report on the European Union law.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

On first glance the politicization and securitization of religion may seem remote from education. A second look reveals widespread international initiatives aimed at the uses of education precisely for political and security purposes, notably in the countering of terrorism, violent extremism and ideologies opposed to liberal democratic values. This editorial presents a critical framing on how scholars from a range of interrelated disciplines analyze the interface of religion, education and security. The purpose of this Special Issue is thus critically to engage scholars across religious studies and theology, politics and international relations, security and intelligence studies, to explore through empirical evidence and reasoned argument the role here for religion in education. The volume aims to make some ground-breaking cross-disciplinary theoretical advances and methodological innovations not simply to further debate but to provide the tools for asking new questions and opening new pathways and frameworks for exploring the critical interface of religion, education and security.

There is no more egregious hateful behavior than that of genocide. There is no more uncomfortable thought than that of religion as a participating factor in the perpetration of genocide, though religious studies scholars come late to any discussion of genocide. This paper, an initial foray into a much longer and more in-depth book-length project, and whose author is desirous of collegial feedback (sjacobs@bama.ua.edu), is a preliminary conversation addressing four precipitating factors: (1) tribalism, (2) religious exclusivism, (3) privileged access to the divine, and (4) a particularistic and parochial reading of sacred texts. It will also attempt, by way of conclusion, to offer possible practical and realistic suggestions to reverse this nexus between genocide and religion.

hrsg. von Michael Ley . ; Beitr. teilw. dt., teilw. engl. ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- PVA 2003.3553

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

In addressing the topic assigned to me -- "Interreligious Dialogue, the Environment, and Power" -- I have decided to focus on the first and the last elements: Dialogue and Power. More precisely, I would like to reflect on how the question of "power" can serve as the mediating link between religion and dialogue. Many people, especially academicians, would regard such a proposal with great suspicion, if not downright opposition. For them, the vital relationship between religion and power is the problem. Precisely because religion is such a powerful force in the lives of people, precisely because the powerful can make such exploitative and violent use of religion -- precisely for such reasons many voices today are calling for a moratorium on interreligious dialogue; or they are calling for the exclusion of religion from all political or intercultural discussions. I want to take these reservations or objections as seriously as I can. I begin, therefore with some questions.