In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
The Church, accepting the paschal gift of peace, carries it onto the next generations of the faithful, at the same time dissociates itself from pacifist ideologies. Nevertheless, it does not fear to use military provenance vocabulary in the proclamation of the Gospel. Freedom that Christ brings may be the foundation of freedom for particular nations and states. Apart from philosophers', historians' and political scientists' opinions, theologians' statements regarding anthropologies founding pacifisms send out an important message that can contribute to the national and international security development. ; Kościół, przyjmując paschalny dar pokoju, niesie go w kolejnych pokoleniach wierzących, jednocześnie odcinając się od ideologii pacyfistycznych. W głoszeniu Ewangelii zaś nie obawia się on posługiwać słownictwem militarnej proweniencji. Wolność, którą przynosi Chrystus, może być fundamentem dla wolności poszczególnych narodów i państw. Wypowiedzi teologów o antropologiach fundujących pacyfizmy to obok opinii filozofów, historyków i politologów ważny głos mogący się przyczynić do tworzenia bezpieczeństwa tak narodowego, jak i międzynarodowego.
This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations. ; This article explores current issues of minority education in China, especially in the context of religion and language education. In the first part of the article, the author describes (1) cultural and political framework of Chinese education in general and (2) current educational conditions, also discussing differences in educational attainment for minority groups in China. The second part of the article presents the situation of minority religions, which is not really recognised in state schooling in China. The author shows educational examples from the Tibet region and from Muslim education. The third part of the article explores another major challenge related to ethnic minority schooling, which is language diversity. In the final part of the paper, the author tries to comment on Chinese minority education dilemmas and concludes with some social recommendations.
Refleksja nad historią stabilizacji krajów, które przeżyły poważne konflikty zbrojne, może być istotna w rozważaniach na temat szans stabilizacji współczesnych obszarów pokonfliktowych. Kanada znajduje się w kolejnej fazie formowania narodowej tożsamości, która polega na poszukiwaniu własnego odpowiednika amerykańskiej religii obywatelskiej (civil religion). Obecnie podejmowane w dyskursie politycznym próby (re)konstrukcji tożsamościowej społeczeństwa kanadyjskiego mają na celu utrwalenie konsensusu co do trwałości ustroju federalnego i stabilności społecznej. Próby te z jednej strony oparte są na dekonstrukcji tożsamości etnicznej (jako nieistotnej w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie zglobalizowanego świata), z drugiej natomiast – na promowanych prze elity polityczne ideach nacjonalizmu politycznego i ekspansjonizmu w Arktyce. Kanadę postrzegać trzeba zatem nie jako "państwo narodowe" ani "naród upaństwowiony", lecz wciąż jako "państwo znajdujące się w procesie unarodowienia". ; The reflection on the history of stabilization of countries that have experienced serious armed conflicts may be inspiring to consider the chances of stabilization of modern post-conflict areas. Canada is in the next phase of forming a national identity, which consists of searching for its own counterpart of the American civil religion. The current attempts at identity reconstruction of Canadian society in the political discourse are aimed at consolidating the consensus on the permanence of the federal system and social stability. These attempts are based, on the one hand, on the deconstruction of ethnic identity as unimportant in the modern society of the globalized world. On the other hand, political elites promote the ideas of political nationalism and expansionism in the Arctic. Therefore, Canada must be perceived not as a "national state" nor "nation nationalized", but still as a "nation in the process of nationalization".
Confessional policy is primarily a specific kind of public policy of the state, focused on the activity of religious organizations (religious or confessional associations), that is, communities whose purpose is to confess and spread religious faith (within the meaning of each religion), having their own hierarchy, doctrine and worship. The essence of politics is then shaping the relationship of the state with individual religious relationships, but also influencing the relations between them. The religious policy of the state includes activities of a conceptual, program, operational and executive nature, implemented by specialized entities of state power towards religious entities. Under the conditions of a democratic state, they are administrative institutions (independent, e.g. in the form of an office or ministry, or being part of a wider structure, e.g. a department within the ministry) and special services (e.g. monitoring the activities of religious fundamentalists or destructive sects). In authoritarian and totalitarian countries, the subject pursuing denominational policy may be more complex (e.g., apart from state structures, party structures have a decisive status, and extended special services also play a greater role). Confessional policy is conditioned by a number factors, among which the following can be distinguished: internal (e.g. the specificity and the religious and confessional structure of the state, the political system, the ideology prevailing in the state, the pragmatics of political struggle, the legal and systemic religious model of the state, the relationships between the ethno-cultural and religious identifications) and external (e.g., state security considerations, the nature of confessional policy within the international environment, geopolitical conditions, international legal norms in which the said state participates, the scale and nature of international "networking" of a given religious community). Among the varieties of confessional policy the following can be distinguished: the confessional policy of the concession (practically unrestricted, with the activities of a religious association state-supported or at least approved), the confessional policy of rationalizing (consent of the state to the basic activity of religious associations, directed mainly at the faithful of their own community and consent to limited external activity) and the confessional policy of liquidation (counteracting the negatively evaluated tendencies and phenomena occurring in the activities of a religious organization, or even attempts at its delegalisation and complete eradication). The confessional policy of the state is most often considered as a component of internal policy, however, it may also be an important component of foreign policy. ; Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie polityki wyznaniowej oraz ustalenie zakresu występowania tego zjawiska. Towarzyszy temu prezentacja najważniejszych uwarunkowań (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), profilów polityki wyznaniowej (koncesja, reglamentacja i likwidacja) oraz prawidłowości w jej obszarze. Poza podmiotowością państwa – jako głównego twórcy i realizatora polityki wyznaniowej – w takiej roli można odnaleźć także: organizacje międzynarodowe, podmioty samorządowe, związki religijne oraz podmioty wewnątrzkonfesyjne (frakcje, grupy interesu). W artykule podjęto również próbę zarysowania najważniejszych zależności między polityką wyznaniową państwa, jego strukturą religijną oraz zróżnicowanym podłożem systemowym i ustrojowym. Rozważania umiejscowiono w kontekście refleksji naukowej na gruncie politologii religii.
This article describes why the Polish government has pushed for an invocation to Christian traditions in the European Union Constitution. It is ar- gued that this is a rather 'unfortunate' outcome of the political alliance between the Catholic Church and the Polish left, especially between President Alek- sander Kwas ́niewski and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). This alliance al- lowed the SLD to legitimize their rule in the post-socialist Poland, and it was a result of a political competition between them and the post-Solidarnos ́c ́ elites. As a result, John Paul II became the central integrative metaphor for the Polish society at large, which brought back in the marginalized as well as allowed the transition establishment to win the EU accession referendum in 2003. The arti- cle (which was written when Leszek Miller was still Prime Minister) demon- strates how this alliance crystallized and presents various elements of the cult of the Pope in Poland that followed. Finally, it argues that the worship of the Pope is not an example of nationalism, but of populism, understood not as a peripheral but as a central political force, and advocates for more research on the 'politics of emotions' at work in the centers and not in peripheries.
The Turkish history huge efforts aimed at modernization and determination to equal Western European countries in the fi eld of respecting human rights. The secularisation process carried out during the Mustafa Kemal Pasha resulted in Turkey being the only Muslim country, were the principle of separation of religion from the state is obligatory (at least formally). The last military coup (in 1980), activities of non-governmental organizations and the infl uence of the European Union in relation to the accession process resulted in gradual improvement of the situation of women in Turkey. The European Union indirectly supported opposition feminist's movement which emerged in new political situation. Nevertheless, gender segregation is still visible on the streets of Istanbul and in the workplaces - women are employed in places less exposed to social contacts, they are paid lower pay, and they often work in the informal sector without a benefi t of social security. Finally, it is worth to point out some similarities between Poland and Turkey. At the beginning of XX century agriculture and monotheistic religion dominated in both countries. Both countries, albeit for different reasons, reclaimed independence after World War I. In both countries strong leaders took over, reforming and modernizing the country. Both leaders, Józef Piłsudski and Mustafa Kemal sympathised with the postulates of female organizations in respect to voting rights and access to education35. For many years, in both countries the dominant role model for women was a mother (also mother of the nation) or a virgin. However, following different ideologies, equality of women in employment was promoted. In Poland and in Turkey gender inequality in marriage has never been opposed, while the phenomenon of domestic violence was concealed. Moreover, in the eighties and nineties of the XX century, both countries: Turkey and Poland underwent liberalizing political changes. Women have become their benefi - ciaries, but they also have been their motive power. ...
The aim of this article is to analyze the manner in which the chosen Polish weekly news magazines – Newsweek, Polityka and Wprost – presented Africa in the years 2001–2010, mainly the problems of its current situation and prospects for the future, as well as the issue of the most prominent leaders of the continent. Using two research methods – content analysis and discourse analysis – the author establishes that none of the magazines published articles about Africa in a systematic planned manner. The magazines focused mainly on political and security issues. Economy, societies and religions were also on the agenda but to a lesser extent. The problems of the continent were often presented through the activities taken by the dictators – Muammar Gaddafi and Robert Mugabe. As far as the perspectives of Africa for the future are concerned, the most critical and pessimistic was Wprost, whereas Newsweek and Polityka took a more optimistic approach to the issue.
In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means. ; In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for the l will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying his general will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.
Der Artikel behandelt die Veränderungen in der Bevölkerungsstruktur Thorns und des Landkreises Thorn von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis einschließlich zur Zwischenkriegszeit. Er enthält eine Analyse von statistischem Material, das aus verschiedenen Arten von Quellen gewonnen wurde. Für den Zeitraum von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Jahr 1914 wurden statistische Zusammenstellungen für einzelne Landkreise Westpreußens aus den Jahren 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 und 1910 ausgewertet. Ebenfalls ausgewertet wurden Informationen aus preußischen Statistiken für den Zeitraum des 19. und den Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Für die Zwischenkriegszeit waren die Bevölkerungsregister von 1921 und 1931 sehr hilfreich. Darin geht es um die Situation der Bevölkerung, der Konfessionen, der Nationalitäten und der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in diesem Zeitraum auf dem Gebiet von Thorn und des Landkreises. Thorn war während dieses gesamten Zeitraums ein wichtiges Industriezentrum, aber es war auch eine Festung und besaß eine Garnison, was schon seit der preußischen Zeit großen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung der Stadt und ihren Charakter hatte. Die Landgemeinden und die Gutsbezirke waren hauptsächlich landwirtschaftliches Terrain, das in seiner konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur differenziert war. Eine kurze Betrachtung der statistisch-demografischen Informationen ergibt ein Bild von enormen Veränderungen in der konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur der Bevölkerung, wobei der 1. Weltkrieg und die Wiedererlangung der Unabhängigkeit durch Polen eine Schlüsselgrenze bilden. Dies war eine Folge des Prozesses der Repolonisierung, der in den zwanziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts auf dem Gebiet des gesamten Landkreises stattfand. Die zahlenmäßige Vergrößerung der katholischen Bevölkerung und der deutliche Abfall der deutschen und evangelischen Bevölkerung (auch wenn Bekenntnis und Nationalität nicht einfach identifiziert werden dürfen) spiegelten die politischen Veränderungen und die Neuschöpfung des polnischen Staats nach über 100 Jahren wider. ; The article discusses the issue of changes in the structure of the population of Toruń and the Toruń county from the second half of the 19th century to the interwar period. The article contains an analysis of statistical material obtained from various types of sources. For the period of the second half of the 19th century to 1914, statistical summaries were used for individual counties of West Prussia for the years 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 and 1910. Information from Prussian statistics for the period of the 19th and early 20th centuries was also used. For the interwar period the censuses of 1921 and 1931 were extremely helpful. The population, denomination, nationality and socio-economic situation in this period in Toruń and the county were discussed here. Throughout this period Toruń was not only an important industrial centre, but it was also a fortress and it had a garrison, which had affected the development of the city and its character since the Prussian period. Rural communes and court territories were mainly agricultural areas, diversified in terms of religious and national structure. From the short review of statistical and demographic information, there emerges a picture of huge changes in the denominational and national structure of the population, where the key chronological boundaries were World War I and the time when Poland regained independence. It was the result of the repolonization process that took place throughout the county in the 1920s. The increase in the number of Polish and Catholic inhabitants, along with a clear decrease in the number of the German and Evangelical populations (although denominations and nationalities cannot be directly identified) reflected political changes and the creation of the Polish state again after more than a hundred years. ; Artykuł omawia zagadnienie przemian struktur ludności Torunia i powiatu toruńskiego od II połowy XIX wieku do okresu międzywojennego włącznie. Artykuł zawiera analizę materiału statystycznego pozyskanego z różnych typów źródeł. Dla okresu II połowy XIX wieku do 1914 roku wykorzystano zestawienia statystyczne dla poszczególnych powiatów Prus Zachodnich za lata 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 i 1910. Wykorzystane także zostały informacje ze statystyk pruskich za okres XIX i początku XX wieku. Dla okresu międzywojennego niezwykle pomocne były spisy ludności z 1921 i 1931 roku. Omówiono tutaj sytuację ludnościową, wyznaniową, narodowościową i społeczno-gospodarczą w tym okresie na terenie Torunia i powiatu. Toruń przez cały ten okres był ważnym ośrodkiem przemysłowym, ale był też twierdzą i posiadał garnizon, co miało duży wpływ na rozwój miasta jak i jego charakter już od okresu pruskiego. Gminy wiejskie i obszary dworskie były terenami głównie rolniczymi, zróżnicowanymi pod względem struktury wyznaniowej i narodowościowej. Z krótkiego przeglądu informacji statystyczno-demograficznych wyłania się obraz ogromnych zmian w strukturze wyznaniowej i narodowościowej ludności, gdzie kluczową granicą była I wojna światowa i odzyskanie przez Polskę niepodległości. Był to efekt procesu repolonizacji, który dokonywał się na terenie całego powiatu w latach dwudziestych XX wieku. Zwiększenie liczby ludności polskiej i katolickiej, oraz wyraźny spadek liczby ludności niemieckiej i ewangelickiej (choć wyznania i narodowości nie można wprost utożsamiać) odzwierciedlał zmiany polityczne i tworzenie państwa polskiego na nowo po ponad stu latach.
Artykuł omawia zagadnienie przemian struktur ludności Torunia i powiatu toruńskiego od II połowy XIX wieku do okresu międzywojennego włącznie. Artykuł zawiera analizę materiału statystycznego pozyskanego z różnych typów źródeł. Dla okresu II połowy XIX wieku do 1914 roku wykorzystano zestawienia statystyczne dla poszczególnych powiatów Prus Zachodnich za lata 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 i 1910. Wykorzystane także zostały informacje ze statystyk pruskich za okres XIX i początku XX wieku. Dla okresu międzywojennego niezwykle pomocne były spisy ludności z 1921 i 1931 roku. Omówiono tutaj sytuację ludnościową, wyznaniową, narodowościową i społeczno-gospodarczą w tym okresie na terenie Torunia i powiatu. Toruń przez cały ten okres był ważnym ośrodkiem przemysłowym, ale był też twierdzą i posiadał garnizon, co miało duży wpływ na rozwój miasta jak i jego charakter już od okresu pruskiego. Gminy wiejskie i obszary dworskie były terenami głównie rolniczymi, zróżnicowanymi pod względem struktury wyznaniowej i narodowościowej. Z krótkiego przeglądu informacji statystyczno-demograficznych wyłania się obraz ogromnych zmian w strukturze wyznaniowej i narodowościowej ludności, gdzie kluczową granicą była I wojna światowa i odzyskanie przez Polskę niepodległości. Był to efekt procesu repolonizacji, który dokonywał się na terenie całego powiatu w latach dwudziestych XX wieku. Zwiększenie liczby ludności polskiej i katolickiej, oraz wyraźny spadek liczby ludności niemieckiej i ewangelickiej (choć wyznania i narodowości nie można wprost utożsamiać) odzwierciedlał zmiany polityczne i tworzenie państwa polskiego na nowo po ponad stu latach. ; Der Artikel behandelt die Veränderungen in der Bevölkerungsstruktur Thorns und des Landkreises Thorn von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis einschließlich zur Zwischenkriegszeit. Er enthält eine Analyse von statistischem Material, das aus verschiedenen Arten von Quellen gewonnen wurde. Für den Zeitraum von der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis zum Jahr 1914 wurden statistische Zusammenstellungen für einzelne Landkreise Westpreußens aus den Jahren 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 und 1910 ausgewertet. Ebenfalls ausgewertet wurden Informationen aus preußischen Statistiken für den Zeitraum des 19. und den Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Für die Zwischenkriegszeit waren die Bevölkerungsregister von 1921 und 1931 sehr hilfreich. Darin geht es um die Situation der Bevölkerung, der Konfessionen, der Nationalitäten und der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse in diesem Zeitraum auf dem Gebiet von Thorn und des Landkreises. Thorn war während dieses gesamten Zeitraums ein wichtiges Industriezentrum, aber es war auch eine Festung und besaß eine Garnison, was schon seit der preußischen Zeit großen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung der Stadt und ihren Charakter hatte. Die Landgemeinden und die Gutsbezirke waren hauptsächlich landwirtschaftliches Terrain, das in seiner konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur differenziert war. Eine kurze Betrachtung der statistisch-demografischen Informationen ergibt ein Bild von enormen Veränderungen in der konfessionellen und nationalen Struktur der Bevölkerung, wobei der 1. Weltkrieg und die Wiedererlangung der Unabhängigkeit durch Polen eine Schlüsselgrenze bilden. Dies war eine Folge des Prozesses der Repolonisierung, der in den zwanziger Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts auf dem Gebiet des gesamten Landkreises stattfand. Die zahlenmäßige Vergrößerung der katholischen Bevölkerung und der deutliche Abfall der deutschen und evangelischen Bevölkerung (auch wenn Bekenntnis und Nationalität nicht einfach identifiziert werden dürfen) spiegelten die politischen Veränderungen und die Neuschöpfung des polnischen Staats nach über 100 Jahren wider. ; The article discusses the issue of changes in the structure of the population of Toruń and the Toruń county from the second half of the 19th century to the interwar period. The article contains an analysis of statistical material obtained from various types of sources. For the period of the second half of the 19th century to 1914, statistical summaries were used for individual counties of West Prussia for the years 1871, 1885, 1895, 1905 and 1910. Information from Prussian statistics for the period of the 19th and early 20th centuries was also used. For the interwar period the censuses of 1921 and 1931 were extremely helpful. The population, denomination, nationality and socio-economic situation in this period in Toruń and the county were discussed here. Throughout this period Toruń was not only an important industrial centre, but it was also a fortress and it had a garrison, which had affected the development of the city and its character since the Prussian period. Rural communes and court territories were mainly agricultural areas, diversified in terms of religious and national structure. From the short review of statistical and demographic information, there emerges a picture of huge changes in the denominational and national structure of the population, where the key chronological boundaries were World War I and the time when Poland regained independence. It was the result of the repolonization process that took place throughout the county in the 1920s. The increase in the number of Polish and Catholic inhabitants, along with a clear decrease in the number of the German and Evangelical populations (although denominations and nationalities cannot be directly identified) reflected political changes and the creation of the Polish state again after more than a hundred years.
Badając, jak wzajemne postrzeganie Europy Środkowej i Rosji zmieniało się na tle złożonych relacji między Wschodem a Zachodem, artykuł czerpie z elementów teorii komunikacji i studiów międzykulturowych (C. Gullién, H. Dyserinck, D. H. Pageaux, D. Ďurišin, etc.) znanych jako imagologia. Jako obszar geograficzny kulturowych przecięć, gdzie weszły ze sobą w kontakt niesłowiański Zachód i słowiański Wschód, Europa Środkowa zawsze wyróżniała sięzmienną pozycją przejściowych centrów i peryferii ze specyficzną mieszanką grup etnicznych, kultur, religii i ideologii. Fakt, że leży ona pomiędzy dwoma tak potężnymi narodami, jak Niemcy i Rosja, wywarł fundamentalny wpływ nie tylko na polityczną, ale i estetyczną komunikację pomiędzy narodami słowiańskimi i Zachodem, który często ujmowany był za pomocą mitów, tzn. fikcjonalnych i subiektywnych obrazów służących do interpretowania rzeczywistości. Wzajemne schodzenie się i rozchodzenie Rosji i Zachodu wynikało z różnic religijnych i "rozdarcia" narodów słowiańskich (przede wszystkim Słowian zachodnich), którzy oprócz trzymania się zachodniej religii i reguł politycznych, pielęgnowali niechęć w stosunku do plemiennej wspólnoty z Rosją. Najsilniejsze więzy z Rosją demonstrowały więc małe narody słowiańskie, żyjące w imperium habsburskim, podczas gdy rosyjskie interesy w Europie skierowane były raczej na Niemcy, Francję lub Anglię, a obszar środkowoeuropejski uznano za strefęprzejściową, traktowaną przez carską Rosję lub Związek Radziecki jako siłę polityczną do prowadzenia własnej polityki względem Zachodu. W przeciwieństwie do tego stanowiska, narody środkowoeuropejskie, nie wyłączając z nich Czechów, nawiązywały relacje z Rosją jako inspirującym liderem i symbolem słowiańskiej niezależności, szczególnie w czasach kłopotów, zagrożenia narodowego i politycznej niestabilności. Ich oczekiwania opierały się na powszechnym przekonaniu, że "nieeuropejska" Rosja i jej inność zdemokratyzuje się poprzez podążanie drogąlokalnej tradycji i popieranie czeskich interesów w geopolitycznej konfrontacji z niesłowiańskim Zachodem. Jak się wydaje, relacja pomiędzy Europą Środkową i Rosją pozostanie centrum permanentnej refleksji metakrytycznej nawet na początku XXI wieku i pozostaje mieć nadzieję, że będzie to model harmonijnej współegzystencji, wzajemnego zrozumienia i szacunku. ; While examining mutual perception of Central Europe and Russia as it has changed against the background of the complex East-West relation, the paper employs the motives of the theory of communication and intercultural studies (C. Guillén, H. Dyserinck, D. H. Pageaux, D. Ďurišin, etc.) known as imagology. As a cultural crossroads and geographicalarea where the non-Slavonic West and the Slavonic East come into contact, Central Europe has always featured a changeable position of transitional centres and peripheries with the specific mingling of ethnics, cultures, religions and ideologies. The fact that it is situated between two powerful nations, such as Germany and Russia, has fundamentally influenced not only political but also aesthetical communication between the Slavonic peoples and the West, which has often been maintained through myths, i.e. fictional and subjective images to interpret the reality. The mutual converging or diverging of Russia and the West has resulted from the religious oscillation and "splitting" of Slavonic peoples (namely the West Slavs) who, despite adhering to Western religion and policies, have fostered awareness of tribal affinity with Russia. The strongest ties with Russia were thus maintained by small Slavonic nations living in the Hapsburg Empire, whereas the Russian interest in Europe was rather aimed at Germany, France or England, andCentral European area was deemed to be a zone of transition employed by Tsarist Russia or the Soviet Union as political powers to pursue their goals in the West. In contrast to it, Central European nations, the Czechs not excluding, forged ties with Russia as the inspiring leader and symbol of Slavonic independence, the more so in times of troubles, national danger and political instability. Their expectations were based on the common belief that "non-European" Russia and its otherness would become democratised through following the local tradition and supporting Czech interests in the geopolitical confrontation with the non-Slavonic West. As it seems, the relation between Central Europe and Russia will remain the focus of permanent metacritical discourse even in the early 21st century and one can only cherish hope that it will be a model of harmonious coexistence, mutual understanding and respect.
Studies on the patterns of marital selection began in the 1920s, and since then researchers have identified a set of variables that should be taken into account in marriage selection research. In this study the following variables are considered: age, nationality, race, social class, environmental background, attitude to faith, religion, attitude to religious practices, education, current employment status, previous marital status, number of marriages, number of children from previous marriages, and financial situation before the present marriage. One hundred and twelve Polish women who married foreigners from non-European cultures took part in the study. Their husbands were representatives of African, Asian and Australian countries; none of them came from Europe or the Americas.The aim of the study is to examine marital selection among intercultural marriages and to provide new knowledge on the subject. In connection with the adopted topic, the purpose of the research and the analysis of the literature on the subject, the main problem of the research was formulated as follows: what are the similarities and differences in marital selection in intercultural marriages?The study revealed that, in most cases, marital selection among the couples who participated in the study followed a similar social biography: the spouses were of a similar age (79.5%) and shared race (90.1%), social class (74.1%), environmental background (61.6%), education (56.2%), attitude to faith (92.8%), and their financial situation before the present marriage (65.2%). The results obtained confirmed Farle's theory, in which he distinguished three main factors influencing the frequency of intercultural marriages: military service, higher education and place of residence. The analysis of the data indicates that the majority of the respondents lived in big cities (57.1%), and higher education was the most common level of education among both the respondents (60.7%) and their husbands (41.1%).
Studies on the patterns of marital selection began in the 1920s, and since then researchers have identified a set of variables that should be taken into account in marriage selection research. In this study the following variables are considered: age, nationality, race, social class, environmental background, attitude to faith, religion, attitude to religious practices, education, current employment status, previous marital status, number of marriages, number of children from previous marriages, and financial situation before the present marriage. One hundred and twelve Polish women who married foreigners from non-European cultures took part in the study. Their husbands were representatives of African, Asian and Australian countries; none of them came from Europe or the Americas.The aim of the study is to examine marital selection among intercultural marriages and to provide new knowledge on the subject. In connection with the adopted topic, the purpose of the research and the analysis of the literature on the subject, the main problem of the research was formulated as follows: what are the similarities and differences in marital selection in intercultural marriages?The study revealed that, in most cases, marital selection among the couples who participated in the study followed a similar social biography: the spouses were of a similar age (79.5%) and shared race (90.1%), social class (74.1%), environmental background (61.6%), education (56.2%), attitude to faith (92.8%), and their financial situation before the present marriage (65.2%). The results obtained confirmed Farle's theory, in which he distinguished three main factors influencing the frequency of intercultural marriages: military service, higher education and place of residence. The analysis of the data indicates that the majority of the respondents lived in big cities (57.1%), and higher education was the most common level of education among both the respondents (60.7%) and their husbands (41.1%).
The Republic of Belarus is an authoritarian country in Europe, which level of the political system's transition is defined as consolidated authoritarianism. Belarus claimed it was a democratic state after 1991, but in 1995 changed its course towards authoritarianism. From the theoretical aspect, as well as political practice, it is important to assess the internal and external political conditions affecting the multifaceted nature of the state. It is also important to establish the conditions allowing the state's transition from consolidated authoritarianism to democracy. The direction and extent of the political system's transition is influenced not only by political elite or society, although they play a dominant role, but also by history, religion, political culture or axiomatic system, which in large is still a continuation of the Soviet system. Therefore in the case of Belarus, there is a need for analysis of the conditions shaping authoritarianism on the normative and functional levels. A lack of conditions conducive to the flourishing of civil society impedes the democratization building process, which in accordance with the third wave of democratization should have been anchored in Belarus after the collapse of the bipolar system ; Republika Białoruś jest ostatnim państwem autorytarnym w Europie, którego poziom przemian ustrojowo-prawnych można określić jako autorytaryzm skonsolidowany. W przypadku Białorusi, która po w 1991 roku pretendowała do grona państw demokratycznych, a po 1995 zmieniła kurs w kierunku autorytaryzmu. Istotne jest zatem z punktu teorii, jak i praktyki politycznej ocena uwarunkowań wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które oddziałują na charakter państwa. Ważny aspekt stanowi określenie warunków, które pozwolą na wyjście z autorytaryzmu skonsolidowanego w kierunku demokratyzacji państwa. Na kształt i zakres przemian ustrojowo-prawnych i politycznych wpływają nie tylko elity polityczne czy społeczeństwo, choć one są dominujące, ale także historia, religia, kultura polityczna, system aksjologiczny, będący w znacznym stopniu kontynuacją systemu sowieckiego. Bardzo znaczące w przypadku Białorusi są uwarunkowania kształtowania się autorytaryzmu na poziomie normatywnym i funkcjonalnym. Brak uwarunkowań do powstania aktywnego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego uniemożliwia, na obecnym etapie rozwoju przemian ustrojowo-prawnych, tworzenie i budowanie demokratyzacji, która zgodnie z duchem III fali powinna zakotwiczyć się w Białorusi już po rozpadzie systemu bipolarnego.
