Suchergebnisse

In 1997, Lia Aminuddin, head of the Salamullah community and former presenter of a TV programme about floral arrangement, announced that she had received a revelation : Jibril (the archangel Gabriel in the Koran) was speaking to her, relaying God's messages. Although her following has been limited, its impact has been amplified by modern internet techniques. She was put on trial in 2006 together with the group's Muslim intellectual, Abdul Rahman, whom she considers to be the reincarnation of Muhammad and also the Imam Mahdi, so says the revelation. This paper analyzes Lia's teachings and the group's religious and political actions in their context. Salamullah, later named Eden, cannot be dissociated from the Archipelago's history, neither from influence of the large Reformist organization Muhammadiyah, nor from the post-Soeharto transition, with its ruptures and shocks, following 32 years of political immobilism. Salamullah may have started as a Sufi-like movement, with its magical curing practices, but it has evolved into a messianic group highly concerned with the nation's future. Just as small messianic movements were often "safety valves" (soupapes) to Dutch oppression in the 19th and early 20th century, Salamullah/ Eden seems to function as a "safety valve" in view of a rigidification of religious norms, which have translated into religionrelated violence in Indonesia at the dawn of the 21th century.

AbstractThere is a commonplace but powerful argument that links the religious resurgence in the Muslim world to the urban ecology of overcrowded slums in the large cities. Poverty and precarious life, together with anomie and lawlessness, condition the dispossessed to embrace ideologies and movements that offer communities of salvation and support while preaching radical politics. This article questions the premises of such arguments in an attempt to nuance the relationship between the urban dispossessed and radical Islam. By examining the politics of slums and militant Islamism in the Middle East, notably Egypt and Iran, I suggest that key to the habitus of the dispossessed is not anomie or extremism but 'informal life'— one that is characterized by flexibility, pragmatism, negotiation, as well as constant struggle for survival and self‐development. The relationship between the urban dispossessed and radical Islamists tends to be both contingent and instrumental.RésuméOn rencontre communément une thèse convaincante qui relie le renouveau religieux du monde musulman à l'écologie urbaine des quartiers pauvres et surpeuplés des grandes villes. Pauvreté et précarité, associées à anomie et non‐droit, poussent les déshérités à rallier des idéologies ou mouvements qui proposent des communautés de salut et de soutien tout en prêchant des politiques radicales. Cet article revient sur les postulats utilisés et tente de nuancer le lien entre exclus urbains et Islam radical. En étudiant les politiques des quartiers pauvres et l'islamisme militant au Moyen‐Orient, notamment en Egypte et Iran, il suggère que la clé de l'habitus des déshérités ne tient ni à l'anomie ni à l'extrémisme mais à une existence 'hors cadres'– dominée par la flexibilité, le pragmatisme et la négociation, autant que par une lutte permanente pour la survie et le développement personnel. Finalement, la relation entre exclus urbains et islamistes radicaux paraît à la fois plutôt contingente et instrumentale.