The research paper examines whether electoral participation by Islamist political parties engender moderation in their politics. The case of the Muslim Brotherhood is analyzed since it is the biggest and most influential among islamist organizations in the Muslim world. The analysis is based on the islamists' approach towards the participation in general elections in Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. The focus of this analysis is on the possible moderation on sensitive political issues, such as the implementation of the islamic law, the status of religious minorities, attitude towards the use of violence, political and personal rights and liberties.
The research paper examines whether electoral participation by Islamist political parties engender moderation in their politics. The case of the Muslim Brotherhood is analyzed since it is the biggest and most influential among islamist organizations in the Muslim world. The analysis is based on the islamists' approach towards the participation in general elections in Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian territories. The focus of this analysis is on the possible moderation on sensitive political issues, such as the implementation of the islamic law, the status of religious minorities, attitude towards the use of violence, political and personal rights and liberties.
Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.
Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.
Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.
Rohingya crisis has its roots in XVIII century; nevertheless, international community was reluctant to interfere despite grave violations against Rohingya minority. In 2017, Rohingya crisis reached its peak when Myanmar security forces started large scale violence against stateless Rohingya. After Rohingya's villages were burned and lots of people killed, Rohingya fled to Bangladesh and became a population of more than half of a million refugees. International community was not able to continue the policy of ignorance: the violations had too much resemblance to ethnic cleansing; furthermore, within the organization of United Nations there were too much declarations and obligations to solve the situation of statelessness, refugee crisis and improve the situation of women around the world. The theory of feminism allowed identifying situation of Rohigya women as the main object in this analysis. Rohingya crisis disproportionately affected women, who have become victims of sexual violence and other types of psychological and psychical violence. Since one of the main goals of this analysis was to study the impact of programmes of international organizations on Rohingya women, to reach this goal it was crucial to research violent situation of Rohingya women thoroughly. J. Galtung theory of violence suggested to identify three dimensions where women are experiencing violence: direct (personal), structural and cultural violence. Analysis has shown that considerable scale of direct violence against Rohingya women is caused by structural violence (patriarchy, state of Myanmar policies and beliefs within the community of Rohingya) and cultural violence (religious norms, existence of violent culture, difference between "me" and "other" where women are always the other). Another objective of this analysis was to research response of international community to the situation of Rohingya women: their scope, effectiveness, interrelation. For this purpose, programmes of international organizations (mostly programmes implemented by United Nations) where identified either as women empowerment programmes or targeted to help vulnerable groups (in this analysis Rohingya women are considered as vulnerable group). Hypothesis was raised that these programmes might contradict one another. The main theoretic findings suggested that women empowerment programmes should address structural violence while programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups should address direct violence. However, in the reality of Rohingya women, programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups are dealing with consequences of direct violence and women empowerment programmes are not sufficiently addressing structural violence. It means that these programmes do not contradict each other, but require better coordination and much more political will to address root causes of different types of violence. Significant improvement of situation of Rohingya women would additionally require dealing with root causes of cultural violence but this aspect would need political will and efforts of Bangladesh and Myanmar. Analysis has shown that Myanmar is not ready to deal with statelessness of Rohingya, their discrimination and marginalization. Due to this Myanmar is not ready neither for improvement of Rohingya situation nor Rohingya women. This analysis contributes to better understanding of what international organizations are capable via their programmes to change Rohingya women situation for better. Analysis was also able to identify main loopholes in the organization and implementation of programmes (women empowerment programmes and programmes targeted to help vulnerable groups). It allows drawing conclusion that situation of Rohingya women cannot be solved in the long period while the loopholes exist.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden)prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden)prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden) prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden) prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden)prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden) prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden)prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
The aim of this research is to analyze ethnic topics of Lithuanian press. The objective of the research is to examine in what forms and how ethnic intolerance is constructed in printed and Internet media texts through representation of topics, problems, named causers of the problems and their causality (i.e. by introducing/presenting explanations of causes of the problems). Therefore, the main problem of this study is the assessment of the concept of ethnic intolerance and measurement of ethnic intolerance in media discourse. The main body of empirical data was collected during the qualitative research of printed and Internet media, which consisted of two parts: (1) media content analysis and (2) structured interviews with experts (politicians, officials, representatives of ethnic minorities, and journalists). The findings of the research of ethnic intolerance content in Lithuanian media reveals that topics (problems) of interethnic relations in Lithuanian press are mostly interrelated with economical and political issues and less with cultural and psychological causality aspects. Each ethnic or religious group – Roma, Jews, Polish, Russians, Muslims and immigrants – is associated with specific problems in the Lithuanian press. No aggressive forms of ethnic intolerance (incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence) were found in the content of Lithuanian press. The most common manifestations of ethnic intolerance in Lithuanian press were hate speech, harassment, subtle (hidden) prejudices, stereotypes and the discourse of silence. The understanding of ethnic problems (topics) in Lithuanian society and representation of ethnic problems in Lithuanian press present a closed circulation cycle as the problems experienced by ethnic, religious and migrant groups in Lithuanian society and identified by surveyed experts, are partially reiterated from topics about ethnic groups covered in media.
This Master Thesis aims to take a closer look at peacebuilding processes regarding women during post-conflict period in Iraq and Afghanistan. Both of these countries are Muslim, belong to the same Middle East region and have endured long years of conflict which affected the society. After the intervention of USA together with coalition countries the conflicts have been stopped and the new government structure has been established. International community was encouraging the inclusion of all social groups in post-conflict processes, however women remained a marginalized part of the society who are denied access to various resources or power structures. Therefore, sustainable peace cannot be achieved. The main question raised in this thesis – in which country during the defined period – Afghanistan or Iraq, sustainable peace was achieved more successful from the women point of view? In order to create a research model Johan Gatling's peace theory has been combined with critical feminism notions. Using the created research model the post-conflict period is analyzed through gender lens because women remain marginalized and excluded from peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan and Iraq. Main variables that are used to evaluate and determine a more successful peacebuilding case regarding women focus on structural and cultural violence. Direct violence is not analyzed because direct violence is considered to be stopped and negative peace is achieved. Structural violence is analyzed and evaluated through positioning women in private or public spheres, poverty rate, access to education, the empowerment of women organizations, the participation of women in political processes. Meanwhile, the aspects of cultural violence are evaluated through cultural and religious gender norms regarding women. These variables help to evaluate Iraq and Afghanistan post-conflict period and determine a more successful peacebuilding case. The main finding was that peacebuilding regarding women in post-conflict period of 2001-2016 has been more successful in Iraq than in Afghanistan. This conclusion has been reached because in Iraq women had better possibilities to combine responsibilities to family and work and that let to enter labor market easier, the poverty rate is also lower that way there are more jobs for women and women are allowed to participate in public affairs, accessibility and quality of education is better in Iraq compared to Afghanistan. Regarding cultural violence, the analyzed fertility rate and sharia law showed that women in Iraq are not so strongly limited to the gender roles of "mother "or "wife "compared to Afghanistan. It is important to mention that analyses discovered that political women participation is better in Afghanistan compared to Iraq and the situation of women organizations were similar. However, even with better political participation of women Afghanistan was lacking in other aspects and it was not enough in order to create a sustainable peace regarding women. It can be stated that in order to establish a sustainable or as Galtung calls it positive peace, women must be empowered in all aspects of life. The creation of sustainable peace and problems that it is facing are complex, therefore it calls for complex measures. There is still a lot of room for research regarding this field of study. The area of research is wide and different aspects of peacebuilding regarding women could be analyzed. The process of peacebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan is also ever-changing therefore the later periods could be researched. Also women are not the only marginalized group in the analyzed societies so the same field of study could be analyzed from different perspectives.
