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Поступила в редакцию: 25.12.2020. Принята к печати: 24.01.2021. ; Submitted: 25.12.2020. Accepted: 24.01.2021. ; Рецензия на книгу: Crouzet D. Les enfants bourreaux au temps des guerres de Religion. — Paris : Albin Michel, 2020. — 336 p. Данное эссе представляет собой размышления над новой книгой известного французского историка Дени Крузе, посвященной теме детского насилия, и шире — образу детей во время Религиозных войн во Франции. Новизна и ценность рассматриваемой книги заключается в выделении образов «невинных младенцев» в отдельный сюжет. Новыми представляются и размышления автора об «истоках вдохновения» юных французских гонителей гугенотов. Д. Крузе указывает на антропологические соответствия, присущие культуре как итальянских, так и французских городов. Здесь и карнавальная инверсия «мира наизнанку», и социальная функция объединений молодежи, участвующих в обрядах шаривари. Исследователь обращается к новым источникам: песнопениям, исполняемым детьми на Рождество, к мистериям и мираклям. Играя как невинных младенцев, страдающих от Ирода, так и ангелов, карающих злодея, городские дети учились тому, что и как делать в условиях карнавального вызова. Интерес представляет процесс выхода из эсхатологического активизма. После 1572 г. банды детей-палачей сходят со сцены. Лишь убийство Гизов на Рождество 1588 г. выплеснуло на улицы Парижа толпы детей. Но теперь они описывались иначе — как дисциплинированная масса, занятая не погромами, но молитвами. Крузе говорит о «католическом сознании», но это был уже иной католицизм, реформированный, все далее отходящий от старого «корпоративного католицизма». Религиозная политическая активность детей уйдет в прошлое. Вновь образ невинного ребенка будет востребован уже после Революции, когда в десакрализованном контексте дети станут воплощением французской нации. ; Review of: Crouzet, D. (2020). Les enfants bourreaux au temps des guerres de Religion. Paris: Albin Michel. 336 p. This essay contains reflections on a new book by renowned historian Denis Crouzet on children's violence, and, more broadly, on the image of children during the French Wars of Religion. In the book under review, the novelty lies in the fact that the images of 'innocent infants' make part of a separate plot. Just as novel are Denis Crouzet's reflections on the 'sources of inspiration' of the young French persecutors of heretics. The author indicates the anthropological correspondences inherent in the culture of both Italian and French cities, such as the carnivalesque inversion of the 'world inside out' and the social function of youth associations taking part in the 'charivari' rites. Denis Crouzet pays attention to sources that are novel to him, like children's Christmas chants, mystery plays, and 'miracles'. While impersonating the Innocents persecuted by Herod but also angels carrying retaliation to this villain, urban children learnt what and how to do in the face of a carnival challenge. The ways to leave the eschatological activism are of particular interest. After 1572, the gangs of executioners-children left the scene. Only the murder of the Guises on Christmas Day, 1588, threw crowds of children into the streets of Paris. Now they were described differently, however, — as a disciplined mass, occupied not with outrages but with prayers. The author speaks of 'Catholic consciousness', but that was already a different reformed Catholicism, departing further and further from the old 'corporate Catholicism'. The religious political activity of children would become a thing of the past, however. The image of an innocent child would once more be in demand only after the Revolution, when, this time in a desacralised context, children became the embodiment of the French nation.

Констатируется, что экстремизм связан с политическими амбициями обретения властных полномочий с помощью насилия. Такие амбиции могут присутствовать и в религии, особенно если она выдвигает универсалистские претензии. Утверждается, что религиозно-мотивированный экстремизм присутствует в движениях, для которых характерно представление о невозможности толерантного отношения к иным религиозным формам и воззрениям. Религиозный экстремизм, показательным примером которого сегодня является исламизм, ориентирован на установление теократии, а не политической диктатуры. Показано, что постоянно готовый к насилию религиозный экстремизм дрейфует в сторону религиозного терроризма, который представляет собой агрессивные насильственные действия против несогласных с экстремистами людей. Насилие служит достижению религиозных, политических или идеологических целей, а терроризм является средством оказания давления. ; Extremism is associated with the political ambitions of gaining power through violence. Such ambitions can also be present in religion, especially if it imposes universalist claims. There is religiously motivated extremism in the movements for which the conception of the impossibility of tolerant attitude to other religious forms and views is typical. Religious extremism, exemplified by Islamism today, is directed toward establishing a theocracy, not a political dictatorship. Constantly ready for violence, religious extremism is drifting towards religious terrorism, which is an aggressive violent act against people who disagree with extremists. Violence serves religious, political or ideological purposes, and terrorism is a mean of putting pressure.

This essay contains reflections on a new book by renowned historian Denis Crouzet on children's violence, and, more broadly, on the image of children during the French Wars of Religion. In the book under review, the novelty lies in the fact that the images of 'innocent infants' make part of a separate plot. Just as novel are Denis Crouzet's reflections on the 'sources of inspiration' of the young French persecutors of heretics. The author indicates the anthropological correspondences inherent in the culture of both Italian and French cities, such as the carnivalesque inversion of the 'world inside out' and the social function of youth associations taking part in the 'charivari' rites. Denis Crouzet pays attention to sources that are novel to him, like children's Christmas chants, mystery plays, and 'miracles'. While impersonating the Innocents persecuted by Herod but also angels carrying retaliation to this villain, urban children learnt what and how to do in the face of a carnival challenge.The ways to leave the eschatological activism are of particular interest. After 1572, the gangs of executioners-children left the scene. Only the murder of the Guises on Christmas Day, 1588, threw crowds of children into the streets of Paris. Now they were described differently, however, — as a disciplined mass, occupied not with outrages but with prayers. The author speaks of 'Catholic consciousness', but that was already a different reformed Catholicism, departing further and further from the old 'corporate Catholicism'. The religious political activity of children would become a thing of the past, however. The image of an innocent child would once more be in demand only after the Revolution, when, this time in a desacralised context, children became the embodiment of the French nation. ; Данное эссе представляет собой размышления над новой книгой известного французского историка Дени Крузе, посвященной теме детского насилия, и шире — образу детей во время Религиозных войн во Франции. Новизна и ценность рассматриваемой книги заключается в выделении образов «невинных младенцев» в отдельный сюжет. Новыми представляются и размышления автора об «истоках вдохновения» юных французских гонителей гугенотов. Д. Крузе указывает на антропологические соответствия, присущие культуре как итальянских, так и французских городов. Здесь и карнавальная инверсия «мира наизнанку», и социальная функция объединений молодежи, участвующих в обрядах шаривари. Исследователь обращается к новым источникам: песнопениям, исполняемым детьми на Рождество, к мистериям и мираклям. Играя как невинных младенцев, страдающих от Ирода, так и ангелов, карающих злодея, городские дети учились тому, что и как делать в условиях карнавального вызова.Интерес представляет процесс выхода из эсхатологического активизма. После 1572 г. банды детей-палачей сходят со сцены. Лишь убийство Гизов на Рождество 1588 г. выплеснуло на улицы Парижа толпы детей. Но теперь они описывались иначе — как дисциплинированная масса, занятая не погромами, но молитвами. Крузе говорит о «католическом сознании», но это был уже иной католицизм, реформированный, все далее отходящий от старого «корпоративного католицизма». Религиозная политическая активность детей уйдет в прошлое. Вновь образ невинного ребенка будет востребован уже после Революции, когда в десакрализованном контексте дети станут воплощением французской нации.

Современная российская карта угроз религиозной безопасности многогранна. Согласно многим исследованиям, первое место в иерархии угроз занимает деятельность радикальных исламистов, пропагандирующих экстремистские цели, на втором месте – активность нетрадиционных религий. Статья посвящена анализу методического инструментария и результатов региональных и всероссийских социологических опросов, направленных на выяснение качества межконфессиональных отношений и места религиозных рисков в системе национальной безопасности. Исследования религиозной сферы требуют известной деликатности, что лишь усложняет процесс составления эмпирического инструментария. В статье проанализирован опыт социологических опросов в регионах Поволжья (Башкирии, Пензе, Ульяновске, Мордовии, Астрахани) и Северного Кавказа, привлекались также и данные всероссийских опросов. Целью статьи является определение наиболее эффективных методических стратегий измерения межконфессионального напряжения и определения уровня опасности совершения насилия на религиозной почве. Анализ методического инструментария показывает, что высокая тревожность массового сознания фиксируется с помощью вопросов о допустимости или недопустимости насилия в межрелигиозных отношениях; о необходимости предоставить той или иной конфессии особые права (официально закрепить ее господствующее положение); о пользе или вреде перехода из одной религии в другую; об отношении к демонстрации в публичной сфере религиозных символов (например, хиджаба). Анализ стратегий эмпирических исследований позволил зафиксировать тенденцию представлять нетрадиционные для России конфессии как серьезную угрозу религиозной безопасности, а также объединять под единой шапкой такие разнородные явления, как ваххабизм, движение свидетелей Иеговы, протестантизм, кришнаизм. Напротив, традиционные религии российскими политологами рассматриваются в качестве главных союзников государства в сфере поддержания религиозной безопасности. Сформулирован вывод, согласно которому именно выбор методики исследования, в немалой мере определяющей его результаты, может формировать адекватные или иллюзорные представления о степени религиозной безопасности как у заказчиков исследования, так и в целом у населения нашей страны. ; The contemporary Russian map of threats to religious security is multifaceted. The first place in the hierarchy of threats is the activity of radical Islamists promoting extremist goals, while the second place belongs to the activity of non-traditional religions. This article is devoted to the analysis of methodological tools and results of regional and All-Russian sociological surveys aimed at determining the quality of interfaith relations and the place of religious risks in the national security system. Research into the religious sphere requires a certain sensitivity, which only complicates the process of compiling empirical tools. This article analyzes the experience of sociological surveys in the Volga Region (Bashkortostan, Penze, Ulyanovsk, Mordovia, Astrakhan) and the North Caucasus, using the data from All-Russian surveys. The purpose of this article is to identify the most effective methodological strategies for measuring sectarian tension and determining the risk of religious violence. The analysis of methodological tools shows that the high anxiety of mass consciousness can be recorded using questions on a number of issues. They include the admissibility or inadmissibility of violence in interreligious relations; the need to grant special rights to a denomination (to formalize its dominant position); the benefits or harms of the transition from one religion to another; the attitude towards the demonstration of religious symbols in the public sphere (e. g. hijab). The analysis of empirical research strategies allowed recording the tendency to present non-traditional faiths for Russia as a serious threat to the religious security, as well as to unite under a single cap such diverse phenomena as Wahhabism, the movement of Jehovah's Witnesses, Protestantism, and Krishnaism. On the contrary, Russian political scientists consider traditional religions the main allies of the state in the field of maintaining religious security. The author concludes that the choice of methods can influence individual and collective perceptions of religious security.

Research of the issues of counteracting extremist crimes has recently become one of the most urgent tasks for both Russian and foreign criminologists. Russia is a multinational and multi-confessional state. This fact gives special importance to fighting extremist crimes, which is impossible without the analysis of the causal complex of murders motivated by political, ideological, racial, national or religious hatred of enmity, as well as hatred or enmity towards a particular social group. The motive is a crucial element for understanding specific characteristics of an extremism act. An ideologically-motivated murder is caused by intolerant or hateful attitude of the perpetrator towards the victim resulting from the disagreement with his views, convictions, principles. A politically-motivated murder is caused by intolerance or hatred of the perpetrator towards the victim as a representative of alternative political views regarding the existing social order, a country's economic structure, the political activity of public organizations, parties, movements. There are different levels of manifestations of extremist actions that differ in character and degree of public danger. The paper is devoted to researching specific traits and development trends for the factors that influence the contemporary condition and structure of extremism-motivated murders; the authors use them as a basis for the system of causes and conditions of such crimes. The paper analyses economic, political, legal, informational factors that define complex determinants of such crimes at the general social level. The authors suggest recognizing globalization and population migration (including illegal migration) that followed it as one of the determinants. They conclude that at the social and psychological level extremism-motivated murders are determined by the activities of organized small social groups. © 2016, Baikal National University of Economics and Law. All rights reserved.

В докладе рассмотрена концепция жертвенного акта Р. Жирара и специфика его функционирования в различных сферах общественной жизни. Р. Жирар разработал проблематику жертвоприношения, миметического насилия как акта, являющегося краеугольным камнем культуры и социума. Условием существования человечества как такового является реальное и периодически повторяющееся событие — священное жертвоприношение, которое способствует единению членов общества, снижению напряжѐнности и конфликтности. Развивающееся по пути неуклонной эскалации насилие преодолевается с помощью насилия, обращѐнного на заместительную жертву, т.е. не влекущего за собой акта возмездия и таким образом разрывающего круг насилия. Актуальность концепции Р. Жирара подтверждается не только его собственными историческими изысканиями, но и востребованностью концепции кризиса жертвенности, связанного с нарушением чѐткости идентификации и дифференциации, которым характеризуется современное состояние общества. Жертвенное насилие утрачивает свою первоначальную функцию «очищения» общества и, фактически, превращается в свою противоположность – насилие незаконное и «нечистое». На сегодняшний день жертвоприношение ярко проявляется в различных социальных практиках: от акционизма до терроризма. ; The report analyzes R. Girard's concept of the sacrificial act and the specifics of its functioning in various areas of public life. R. Girard developed the issue of sacrifice, or mimetic violence, as an act being the cornerstone of culture and society. The condition for the existence of mankind per se is a real and periodically recurring event — a sacred sacrifice, which contributes to the unity of members of society, to decrease of tension and conflict. Violence that develops along the path of steady escalation is overcome through violence directed at the substitute victim, i.e. not entailing an act of retaliation and thus breaking the cycle of violence. The relevance of R. Girard's concept is confirmed not only by his own historical research, but also by the demand of the concept of the crisis of sacrifice, related to a violation of the clarity of identification and differentiation, which characterizes the current state of society. Sacrificial violence loses its original function of "purifying" society and, in fact, turns into its opposite – illegal and "unclean" violence. To date, the sacrifice is clearly manifested in various social practices from actionism to terrorism.

The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized.

Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement.

Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations.

The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

Раздел "Международные отношения и внешняя политика" ; Анализируются основные аспекты, способствовавшие созданию террористической группировки «Исламское государство», особенно те из них, которые носят политический и религиозный характер. Автор акцентирует внимание на экстремистской интерпретации ИГ основных теологических канонов ислама, которые в трансформируемом виде проповедуют насилие и причисляют к иноверцам всех тех, кто не согласен с такими трактовками. Он выделяет главные цели ИГ – построение исламского государства – халифат, где будут установлены законы шариата в том виде, в каком они существовали в начальном периоде ислама; отрицание всех последующих религиозных нововведений; объявление джихада основным методом борьбы; конечная цель – создание всемирного халифата. В статье рассматриваются главные политические и военные группы в Ираке и Сирии, которые, несмотря на общность цели свержения существующих режимов, ведут активную борьбу с ИГ на завоеванных им территориях. При этом автор отмечает существенные различия в религиозной идеологии ИГ и противостоящих группировок, подчеркивая, что идея халифата широко критикуется ООН, многими правительственными и известными исламскими правоведами, не признающими группировку «Исламское государство». = The article undertakes the analysis of the main aspects which enabled the formation of the extremist terrorist group «The Islamic State» (IS) and, in particular, of the most important of them of political and religious nature. The author emphasizes that IS follows an extreme interpretation of the basic Islamic theological canons, promoting religious violence and regarding those who do not agree with such interpretations as infidels. He distinguishes the main goals of IS – the foundation of Islamic state (caliphate) with sharia laws by returning to the early period of Islamic religion; rejecting all innovations in it; announcing the leadership of jihad as the first priority over all methods of struggle, and as an ultimate goal – proclaiming a world-wide caliphate. The article highlights the main political and military opposition groups in Iraq and Syria most of which call for the overthrow of the Syrian and Iraqi governments but at the same time launch an active offensive against IS on conquered territory. The author notes the significant differences between the basic theological principles of IS and all opposing groups by underlining the thesis that idea of caliphate has been widely criticized and condemned by United Nations, various governments and mainstream Muslim lawyers which refuse to acknowledge «the Islamic State».

In the revolutionary year 1905, Odessa became an area of violence in the tension of social, religious and cultural upheaval. In this year there were strikes, escalations of revolutional mood, a fire in the port after the arrival of the battleship «Knjaz´ Potemkin-Tavričeskij» («Potemkin») in the night of June 14-15. Arrival of the rebellious battleship was a significant event not only for the city of Odessa and the Russian revolution, but also for the history of the fate of Jews of the early 20th century. This was the first armed insurrection in the course of the revolution, which moved Odessa and its social, geographical and semiotic city spaces. The «Potemkin days» entered the history of the city of Odessa mainly through the periodicals of that time but also through the Russian-Jewish literature such as Lazar Karmen's story «Potemkin Days» (1907), Korney Chukovsky's essay «1905, June» (1958) and Vladimir Jabotinsky's novel «The Five» (1936). These works depict not only the resulting collective violence but also its semiotic and social spaces in the city. Up until now, this field has not been investigated in any historical, cultural or literary research. The focus of this paper is to analyse geographical, social and symbolic city spaces in Odessa with the help of the space theories by Jury Lotman and Michel de Certeau. Both scholars work with the definitions of the city, the place and the space, which are significant for the selected literate works about Odessa in 1905. The analysis will show not only the ambivalence, mobility and variability of city spaces, but also the narrators expectations and thus the fate of Jews in Odessa and the perspectives in the historical processes for them — assimilation or emigration.

The article discusses the evolution of theories of social revolution from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. The author analyzes the basic concepts of theorists and practitioners of the armed revolutionary struggle - from the founder of the classical Communist theory of Karl Marx to the Mexican guerrilla leader Subcomandante Marcos. The author focuses on the analysis of changes in the understanding of the subject ("driving forces") of the left political revolution, as well as the strategy of armed revolutionary struggle. The author comes to the conclusion about the historical evolution of the subject of the revolutionary struggle from major sustainable macro-groups ("classes"), targeted at the armed struggle, to self-born (by the network principle) unstructured protest groups, situational leaders, mild forms of the revolutionary struggle, which minimize the armed violence, though do not eliminate it completely. The author substantiates the conclusion about the absence in the modern protest movement of social forces, able to become the subject of revolution socialist orientation. This increases the danger of dominance of the social protest of extremist nationalist and religious political spectra. The author offers two models of response to this threat: the growing influence of the reigning centre-right conservative parties of Russia; return to center-left positions of the social democratic movement of the countries of the European Union.

This article observes the imagery of Nusantara in the report of Nicolò Conti (ca. 1395–1469) a Venetian traveller and merchant of the first half of the 15th century. The mer-chant's itinerary contains a brief description of the Malay-Indonesian world — a product of a dialogue between a merchant himself and a humanist Poggio Bracciolini. Conti reported about his visits to Sumatra, "two Javas" (probably, Java and Borneo or Java and Southern Sumatra) and Champa. The merchant perceived Nusantara mainly as a region of violence and unbridled morals, he described a scene of amuk in details. This traveller also paid particular attention to the valuable merchandise of the region: spices and exotic plants and animals, including the Moluccan parrots. However, Conti's account lacks any mentions of the states, rulers or palaces in the Malay-Indonesian region. This distinguishes his account from many other sources on Nusantara (Chinese and Muslim ones). Conti's silence about the political entities or kings of Nusantara makes localization or identifying of some certain features of the region rather diffi-cult. Conti's lack of attention to the religious practices of Nusantara contrast with his deep attention the Hindu traditions of the South Asia. The understanding of Conti's specific social milieu can explain the reasons of his silence about such important issues. In general, Conti's image of Nusantara is mainly an extreme confine of the world, marked with notable but terrifying features. © 2019, Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (Kunstkamera), Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

Situations with uncertain developments and results are more often taking place in the world of politics. In this regard, the role of actors who are interested in the implementation of plans for peaceful conflict resolution and non-violence is becoming more urgent. The modern world is replete with situations in which a decision should be made only by qualified intermediaries (mediators), whose purpose is to resolve the conflict by the most effective and painless method. This article discusses the main aspects of the technology which is new for the political reality - political mediation as a vital means for solving complex inter-ethnic and interconfessional problems. The author attempts to identify general and specific characteristics of the conflict field that are peculiar for both international and inter-ethnic contradictions arising in the process of multilateral relations of nations with each other and between ethnic groups in multi-ethnic space. At this, the attention is focused on the fact that the conflicts arise out of the contradictions between the interests of these social organisms. The article provides the system of argumentation of the thesis that the use of mediation technologies helps to achieve the combination of the parties' autonomy and to guarantee a mutually beneficial result on a common ground. For this purpose the conflicting parties endow a third party with certain powers - the mediator, who is involved in order to look at the conflict from the side and help conflicting actors to get rid of excessive emotion and bias in a dispute. Thus, political mediation is a form of alternative expert and political dispute resolution and settlement, voluntarily elected by conflicting communities on the basis of their desire to reach agreement and political objectivity. (author's abstract)

The Wave (or, alternatively, the Four Waves) theory authored by Professor David Rapoport is among most widely cited theories giving «whys» and «hows» on complex problem of the root causes and transformation of terrorism. According to this theory, since the 1880s «modern terrorism» has moved through four consequent stages (waves) all of them being of global scale and each one being informed by the influence of a certain political and/or ideological impulse: anarchist wave; anti-colonial wave; «New Left» wave; and religious wave. All waves, Rapoport argues, last approximately forty years; all of them display internal homogeneity of political or ideological principles, strategy and tactics. According to Rapoport, even those terrorist organizations that emerge in the context alien to a dominating impulse are at least partially transformed by it (e. g., turning to tactical methods that appear with the arrival of a new wave of terrorist violence).Rapoport's theory may seem to be thorough and well-grounded theoretical construction, and it is understandable why it has gained wide recognition in academic circles. However, as one discovers after a critical in-depth analysis, this initial favorable impression is mistaken for the most part. To start with, highly objectionable is the very idea of universal political impulses (by definition external to the absolute majority of local political conflicts) being capable of somehow «overriding» solid inner logic and dynamics even of those local conflicts that do not belong to a current wave. Introducing the idea of a wave-forming world impulse and ignoring the key role of local political factors in the genesis and/or transformation of terrorist organizations Rapoport, one might say, lapses into something that can be called «political mysticism». Rapoport also does not give any convincing evidence of direct connection between particular political (ideological) impulses and specific terrorist tactics which further undermines his assertions of terrorist violence taking form of clear-cut uniform waves.The author has already published an article (from which some of aforementioned positions were borrowed) containing general critical observations on basic tenets of the Four Waves theory. The goal of the present article is to «narrow the focus» and test the Rapoportean theory against the particular case of so called homegrown jihadism (i. e. Islamic terrorism perpetrated mostly on the European soil by those Muslims who either were born in Europe or have been living there for a long time). Rapoport proposed his theory early in the 2000s, before European jihadism became clearly visible and highly dangerous phenomenon, and homegrown jihadists are never mentioned in Rapoportean writings. While it leaves the door open for the doubts about prognostic potential of the Four Waves theory, it is not this author's main intention to criticize Rapoport for his failing to see a new danger coming. As it is demonstrated in the article, testing Rapoport's suggestions against the case of homegrown jihadism first of all points at the already established fundamental weakness of the Four Waves theory. This weakness is in its inability to convincingly explain why and how different historic types of terrorism emerge and what forces behind particular cases of terrorist violence are. Even if Rapoport's theory included European jihadists, it still would be impossible to trace the genealogical link (except the trivial everything-is-connected-to-everything domino effect) between homegrown jihad (which by definition falls within the framework of the fourth, or religious, wave of terrorism) and those events Rapoport cites as the impulse driving this wave. In other words, it is one more example of «political mysticism» to argue that extremist ideas and terrorist actions of the 21st century Muslim youths in Britain or Netherlands could be sufficiently explained by connecting them to the events of the Iranian revolution or the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (both dating back to1979). What else, except such «mysticism», could explain how that 1979 impulse retained its power to inform somebody's actions after 35 years and completely outside the original historical and geographical context? Yet, if we were to accept Rapoport's arguments, we should have favor these very explanations while ignoring such factors as political marginalization of the significant share of European Muslims and the growth of xenophobia on the part of non-Muslim Europeans, cultural alienation of young European Muslims and – to name some foreign impulses – not chronologically and psychologically distant events of the late 1970s but the U. S. invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s, the Arab Spring and the Syrian civil war. ; На материале т. н. европейского «доморощенного джихадизма» в статье подвергается критике известная волновая теория трансформации терроризма, выдвинутая Д. Рапопортом. Автор исходит из того, что в том случае, если волновая теория работает, она должна убедительно объяснять феномен европейского джихадизма, представляющего собой, согласно логике Рапопорта, часть четвертой – религиозной – волны терроризма (последнего на данный момент всплеска террористического насилия). Однако проведенный анализ показывает, что волновая теория не способна этого сделать, что она лишена методологической глубины и является в лучшем случае схематичным – причем нередко искаженным – описанием сложных процессов генезиса и трансформации терроризма. ; На матеріалі т. зв. європейського «доморощеного джихадизму» у статті критикується відома хвильова теорія трансформації тероризму, висунута Д. Рапопортом. Автор виходить із того, що в тому разі, якщо хвильова теорія працює, вона повинна переконливо пояснювати феномен європейського джихадизму, який являє собою, згідно з логікою Рапопорта, частину четвертої – релігійної – хвилі тероризму (наразі останнього сплеску терористичного насильства). Однак проведений аналіз показує, що вона не здатна цього зробити, що їй бракує методологічної глибини і що вона в кращому випадку є схематичним – до того ж нерідко спотвореним – описом складних процесів ґенези та трансформації тероризму.

In the article, with references to various researches and politicians, is indicated, on the one hand, contradictory attitude to Lenin's personality and practice, presented in scientific and political-ideological discourse, on the other – enormous role of the communist leader with regard to the transformation of political image of the world of XX century. In addition, the concept of Leninism still keeps its influence on political processes in the post-Soviet space.In the text, using Berdyaev's analytical argument presented in his different works, is studied set of Lenin's personal and political skills and features which enabled him to get political victory: a) energetically strong motive of power inherent to him and fanatism; b) usage of any means to achieve revolution goals; c) reproduction of traditional for Russia model of government; d) transformation of communist doctrine into a kind of religious (totalitarian) study; e) vast usage of coercion and violence while neglecting value and freedoms of individual; f) reflection in politics historical and cultural standards which dominated in the country, what stipulated Lenin's image compliance with the parameters of a "typically Russian man"; g) creative attitude towards Marxism ideology, which made it possible to formulate doctrine on the possibility of a socialist revolution in one country; h) institutional basis development of party building in Russia; i) creative combination of revolutionary (destroyer) and statesman features; j) political despotism and others. Berdyaev indicates on unresolved tasks of socialist construction in Soviet Russia, as after the revolution a new privileged elite appeared in the country, far from the interests of the people, and the phenomenon of social exclusion was not overcome. Defined political technologies developed by Lenin, which can be used in modern politics ; В статье со ссылками на различных исследователей и политиков указывается, с одной стороны, на противоречивое отношение к персоне и политической практике Ленина, представленное в научном и политико-идеологическом дискурсе, а с другой – на огромную роль коммунистического вождя по трансформации политической картины мира ХХ века. Кроме этого, концепция ленинизма с различной степенью выраженности по-прежнему сохраняет свое влияние на политические процессы на постсоветском пространстве.В тексте, используя аналитическую аргументацию Бердяева, представленную в различных его трудах, изучаем совокупность личностных и политических способностей и качеств Ленина, позволивших ему одержать политическую победу: а) присущий ему энергетически сильно выраженный мотив власти и личностный фанатизм; б) использование любых средств для достижения целей революции; в) воспроизводство традиционной для России модели государственного управления; г) превращение коммунистической доктрины в разновидность религиозного (тоталитарного) учения; д) масштабное использование принуждения и насилия при одновременном пренебрежении ценностью и свободами личности; е) отражение в политике доминировавших в стране историкокультурных традиций, что обусловило соответствие образа Ленина параметрам «типически русского человека»; ж) творческое отношение к идеологии марксизма, позволившее сформулировать доктрину о возможности социалистической революции в одной стране; з) разработка организационных основ партийного строительства в России; и) оригинальное соединение в себе качеств революционера (разрушителя) и государственного деятеля; к) политический деспотизм и др. Бердяев указывает на нерешенность задач социалистического строительства в советской России, так как после революции в стране появилась новая, далекая от интересов народа привилегированная элита и не был преодолен феномен социального отчуждения. Определяются разработанные Лениным политические технологии, которые могут быть использованы в современной политике.