Is There a Specific Ambivalence of the Sacred? Illustrations from the Apparition of Medjugorje and the Movement of Sant'Egidio
In: Politics, religion & ideology, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 53-73
ISSN: 2156-7697
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In: Politics, religion & ideology, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 53-73
ISSN: 2156-7697
In: Journal of religion and violence, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 195-228
ISSN: 2159-6808
This article examines India's uneven sex ratios (the ratio of women to men) and explores how religion may shape beliefs on gender, son preference, and femicide. Estimates vary, but at least 13.5 million females that should exist in India, do not. Extensive literature has discussed the wide range of potential factors that may influence India's uneven sex ratio including education, socio-economic status, gender equality, and geographic region. Scholars have also examined the role religion has in shaping beliefs on gender and son-preference. Most religion-centered analyses have focused primarily on Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism. This article expands on previous research by providing a comparative religious approach that includes Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism in addition to Jainism, Christianity, Buddhism, and Animism. Religion is not monolithic and individual beliefs and practices vary significantly throughout India. However, understanding how key figures and texts from the religion contextualize this problem may help better understand India's imbalanced sex ratio. This paper provides several insights on this topic. First, it maps the district-level sex ratio across India to demonstrate the geographical variation in sex ratios. Next, it discusses how factors such as dowry, joint family system, and inheritance practices are deeply embedded in a family's preference for a male child, but manifest differently based on different factors, including religion and socio-economic status. Third, it provides a brief overview of each religion's view on son preference and sex-selective abortion. Finally, it concludes by offering suggestions about how future research can expand on this work.
In: Peace and policy, v. 17
"Using case studies from the Middle East, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific Basin, this book examines the global trend of violence against religious places and figures. It also addresses the phenomenon of religion becoming a motive or justification for violence. The contributors find attacks on sacred places to be particularly damaging to peace and harmony in many Asian and Pacific societies because of the centrality of religion there. A diverse range of topics are covered, including an empirical exploration of the global trends of violence against sacred spaces; attacks against and policies toward holy sites in Israel and Palestine; the fate of Indian Islamic monuments after India gained independence in 1947; the Christian community's response to the increasing Islamization of Malaysia, and the future of communalism in Malaysia. Africa and Australia are also referenced in the work. The book's penultimate chapter argues that understanding the special role of sacred sites represents a crucial dimension to fully understanding Australia's history and culture. The book ends by recounting the experiences of JUST International, an organization campaigning for the protection of sacred spaces and religious institutions. Taken together, this volume explores the importance of protecting sacred spaces, holy symbols, and religious people as a crucial element in fostering peace in the world, and especially the Asia-Pacific region. The contributors argue that much violence in the world is rooted in politics of religious identity. Acting in the name of religion, violent perpetrators frequently target religious institutions and symbols, which usually generates further deadly conflicts"--Provided by publisher
In: Studien zur Friedensethik Band 62
In: Nomos eLibrary
In: Politikwissenschaft
How religion deals with people who have experienced violence is a multifaceted and stimulating subject area. This study analyses this subject based on the work conducted by different churches with displaced people in Colombia. In doing so, it highlights the institutional approaches of psychosocial work and, in particular, the specific, and not least religious, perspectives and resources of the people affected by displacement and violence. Using the context of Colombia, which is characterised by an endemic culture of violence, the author paints a detailed and striking picture of the practical challenges and requirements of dealing with people who have been exposed to violence. This study provides an insight into both the productive and problematic potential offered by religious action and religious interpretations in this respect and makes concrete suggestions as to how individual and societal experiences of violence can be addressed. In this way, it contributes to the debate on the responsibility of religions to propagate and maintain peace.
In: International journal of politics, culture and society, Band 18, Heft 1-2, S. 65-106
ISSN: 0891-4486
The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism tackles the most significant issues facing Muslims today. Sachedina argues that we must reopen the doors of religious interpretation - to correct false interpretations, replace outdated laws, and formulate new doctrines. His book critically analyzes Muslim teachings on such issues as pluralism, civil society, war and peace, and violence and self-sacrifice.
Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- CONTENTS -- Foreword by Donald B. Kraybill -- PART I: WHEN BERGHOLZ CHANGED -- 1 Witness for the Prosecution -- 2 The Move to Bergholz -- 3 When the Devil Came to Bergholz -- 4 Joining the Church -- 5 Writing Down Our Sins -- 6 When We Put Our Bibles Away -- 7 The Demons in Sam's Barn -- PART II: THE BEARD CUTTERS -- 8 He Started Screaming -- 9 Turning the Tables -- 10 My Grandfather's Power -- 11 Take It Out and Burn It -- 12 What I Heard That Night -- 13 The Raid on Bergholz -- 14 Hiding the Camera -- PART III: LEAVING BERGHOLZ -- 15 The X on the Tree -- 16 Finding the Camera -- 17 Kicked Out -- 18 Bergholz, a Cult? -- 19 "I Will Never See You in the Afterlife" -- 20 Driving Away -- 21 My New Life -- The Authors
In: International studies: journal of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 323-340
ISSN: 0020-8817
In: Race & class: a journal for black and third world liberation, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 38-60
ISSN: 1741-3125
The Asian Youth Movements (AYMs) of the 1970s and 1980s were powerful examples of political movements influenced by black politics and a version of secularism that became a unifying force between different religious communities. Drawing on interviews with participants in the youth movements and material collected together for the 'Tandana-Glowworm' digitised archive of AYM ephemera, the author contextualises the AYMs in the political history of Asians in Britain, analyses their distinctive political stance and describes the leaflets, magazines and posters which they produced. The legacy of the AYMs, it is argued, lies in their example of organising politically at the grass roots across religious divides.
The culturalist approach and treatment of international tensions in general, and that of the violence labelled "terrorism" in particular, such as used in the many « Dialogues of cultures » forums or seminars, contains several paradoxes. The mere fact that it functions in the frame of the different cultural belongings of the participants tends to strengthen these belongings rather that minimize them (I). The emphasis given to the cultural, linguistic or religious background of political activists often fuels as well a tendency to conceal the mere political causes of world tensions. And it may endorse a very biased distribution of responsibilities : the « disease » or the (Islamic) culture of the other is often used to explain the difficulties of co-existence with him, therefore delaying the quest for realistic political solutions (II). Identifying the ways and the means of expression of the cultural diversity and its impact on politics can nevertheless be a fruitful perspective for cooperation as long as cultural specificities are not mistaken with an antagonism in the field of humanistic values (III). ; La centralité acquise par le « dialogue des cultures » ou « des civilisations » comme instrument des relations internationales invite à s'intéresser aux conditions de son fonctionnement par rapport aux objectifs qui lui sont assignés. Né dans les registres de la sociologie coloniale il est demeuré longtemps dans le giron du discours savant avant de devenir la référence omniprésente du dispositif de communication et de « socialisation » entre le Nord et le Sud, en général, l'Occident et le monde musulman en particulier. Sa mobilisation est à la fois tardive et sélective : c'est seulement depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 que, dans les espaces laissés accessibles par les méthodes de la global war on terror les Etats ont commencé à lui assigner la mission essentielle d'exorciser ce « choc » qui doit survenir, si l'on accepte la configuration explicative suggérée et popularisée par le politologue américain ...
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The culturalist approach and treatment of international tensions in general, and that of the violence labelled "terrorism" in particular, such as used in the many « Dialogues of cultures » forums or seminars, contains several paradoxes. The mere fact that it functions in the frame of the different cultural belongings of the participants tends to strengthen these belongings rather that minimize them (I). The emphasis given to the cultural, linguistic or religious background of political activists often fuels as well a tendency to conceal the mere political causes of world tensions. And it may endorse a very biased distribution of responsibilities : the « disease » or the (Islamic) culture of the other is often used to explain the difficulties of co-existence with him, therefore delaying the quest for realistic political solutions (II). Identifying the ways and the means of expression of the cultural diversity and its impact on politics can nevertheless be a fruitful perspective for cooperation as long as cultural specificities are not mistaken with an antagonism in the field of humanistic values (III). ; La centralité acquise par le « dialogue des cultures » ou « des civilisations » comme instrument des relations internationales invite à s'intéresser aux conditions de son fonctionnement par rapport aux objectifs qui lui sont assignés. Né dans les registres de la sociologie coloniale il est demeuré longtemps dans le giron du discours savant avant de devenir la référence omniprésente du dispositif de communication et de « socialisation » entre le Nord et le Sud, en général, l'Occident et le monde musulman en particulier. Sa mobilisation est à la fois tardive et sélective : c'est seulement depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 que, dans les espaces laissés accessibles par les méthodes de la global war on terror les Etats ont commencé à lui assigner la mission essentielle d'exorciser ce « choc » qui doit survenir, si l'on accepte la configuration explicative suggérée et popularisée par le politologue américain ...
BASE
The culturalist approach and treatment of international tensions in general, and that of the violence labelled "terrorism" in particular, such as used in the many « Dialogues of cultures » forums or seminars, contains several paradoxes. The mere fact that it functions in the frame of the different cultural belongings of the participants tends to strengthen these belongings rather that minimize them (I). The emphasis given to the cultural, linguistic or religious background of political activists often fuels as well a tendency to conceal the mere political causes of world tensions. And it may endorse a very biased distribution of responsibilities : the « disease » or the (Islamic) culture of the other is often used to explain the difficulties of co-existence with him, therefore delaying the quest for realistic political solutions (II). Identifying the ways and the means of expression of the cultural diversity and its impact on politics can nevertheless be a fruitful perspective for cooperation as long as cultural specificities are not mistaken with an antagonism in the field of humanistic values (III). ; La centralité acquise par le « dialogue des cultures » ou « des civilisations » comme instrument des relations internationales invite à s'intéresser aux conditions de son fonctionnement par rapport aux objectifs qui lui sont assignés. Né dans les registres de la sociologie coloniale il est demeuré longtemps dans le giron du discours savant avant de devenir la référence omniprésente du dispositif de communication et de « socialisation » entre le Nord et le Sud, en général, l'Occident et le monde musulman en particulier. Sa mobilisation est à la fois tardive et sélective : c'est seulement depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 que, dans les espaces laissés accessibles par les méthodes de la global war on terror les Etats ont commencé à lui assigner la mission essentielle d'exorciser ce « choc » qui doit survenir, si l'on accepte la configuration explicative suggérée et popularisée par le politologue américain ...
BASE
The culturalist approach and treatment of international tensions in general, and that of the violence labelled "terrorism" in particular, such as used in the many « Dialogues of cultures » forums or seminars, contains several paradoxes. The mere fact that it functions in the frame of the different cultural belongings of the participants tends to strengthen these belongings rather that minimize them (I). The emphasis given to the cultural, linguistic or religious background of political activists often fuels as well a tendency to conceal the mere political causes of world tensions. And it may endorse a very biased distribution of responsibilities : the « disease » or the (Islamic) culture of the other is often used to explain the difficulties of co-existence with him, therefore delaying the quest for realistic political solutions (II). Identifying the ways and the means of expression of the cultural diversity and its impact on politics can nevertheless be a fruitful perspective for cooperation as long as cultural specificities are not mistaken with an antagonism in the field of humanistic values (III). ; La centralité acquise par le « dialogue des cultures » ou « des civilisations » comme instrument des relations internationales invite à s'intéresser aux conditions de son fonctionnement par rapport aux objectifs qui lui sont assignés. Né dans les registres de la sociologie coloniale il est demeuré longtemps dans le giron du discours savant avant de devenir la référence omniprésente du dispositif de communication et de « socialisation » entre le Nord et le Sud, en général, l'Occident et le monde musulman en particulier. Sa mobilisation est à la fois tardive et sélective : c'est seulement depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 que, dans les espaces laissés accessibles par les méthodes de la global war on terror les Etats ont commencé à lui assigner la mission essentielle d'exorciser ce « choc » qui doit survenir, si l'on accepte la configuration explicative suggérée et popularisée par le politologue américain ...
BASE
In: Osteuropa, Band 64, Heft 5-6
ISSN: 0030-6428, 0030-6428
Kiev's Maidan protest movement was in regular contact with Ukraine's various religious communities. Congregations and clergies of all faiths saw their place 'alongside the people' and expressed solidarity with the Maidan. Only parts of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate expressed opposition, while Protestant circles demonstrated caution. During the escalation of violence in February 2014, the churches saw their task above all in promoting reconciliation and providing comfort. Adapted from the source document.
This article aims to discuss religious harmony in Dalan Lindang village, Mandailing Natal Regency. Data was collected by means of participatory observation, and secondary data. The results of this study indicate that multicultural life requires understanding and awareness of multiculturalism, religion and others that respects differences, pluralism and willingness to interact with anyone fairly. It requires an attitude of religious moderation in the form of acknowledging the existence of other parties, having a tolerant attitude, respect for differences of opinion and not forcing one's will by means of violence. The role of the government, community leaders, and religious instructors is needed to socialize, develop religious moderation to the community for the realization of harmony and peace.
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