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Utilising ontologies for the modelling of Living Paths in Distance Education ; Αξιοποίηση Οντολογιών για τη Μοντελοποίηση Γνωστικών Πεδίων στην εξ Αποστάσεως Εκπαίδευση
The dissemination of learning objects via the Internet in a smart way that meets the essential needs of learners could significantly improve the services offered by an e-learning system. A prerequisite for this is the adoption of an efficient framework for organising, describing and managing the available training materials. The various knowledge-organising systems that have been developed from time to time contribute to this objective, but are not the best solutions for each case. Therefore, through this work we are trying to distinguish the differences between the main knowledge representation structures and to identify the one best suited to modelling a field of knowledge in a machine-readable way. In this first attempt, we put in practice the knowledge organisation system which we believed to be predominant over others, in order to see its dynamics. Our ultimate goal is to make use of this technique in all aspects of a distance learning programme. ; Η διάχυση των μαθησιακών αντικειμένων μέσω του Διαδικτύου με τρόπο ευφυή, που να ανταποκρίνεται στις ουσιαστικές ανάγκες των εκπαιδευόμενων, θα μπορούσε να βελτιώσει σημαντικά τις προσφερόμενες υπηρεσίες ενός συστήματος ηλεκτρονικής μάθησης. Απαραίτητη προϋπόθεση για κάτι τέτοιο είναι η υιοθέτηση ενός αποδοτικού πλαισίου οργάνωσης, περιγραφής και διαχείρισης του διαθέσιμου εκπαιδευτικού υλικού. Τα διάφορα συστήματα οργάνωσης γνώσης που έχουν αναπτυχθεί κατά καιρούς αφενός συμβάλλουν στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου, ωστόσο δεν αποτελούν τις ιδανικότερες λύσεις για κάθε περίπτωση. Συνεπώς, μέσα από αυτήν την εργασία επιχειρούμε να διακρίνουμε τις διαφορές ανάμεσα στις κυριότερες δομές αναπαράστασης γνώσης και να εντοπίσουμε αυτή που ανταποκρίνεται ικανοποιητικότερα στην μοντελοποίηση ενός γνωστικού πεδίου με τρόπο μηχανικά αναγνώσιμο. Σε αυτή την πρώτη προσπάθεια, εφαρμόζουμε στην πράξη το σύστημα οργάνωσης γνώσης που κρίναμε ότι υπερτερεί έναντι των υπολοίπων, ώστε να διαπιστώσουμε τη δυναμική του. Απώτερο στόχο μας αποτελεί η αξιοποίηση αυτής της τεχνικής σε όλες ...
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Ο ΣΚΛΗΡΟΣ ΑΠΡΙΛΗΣ ΤΟΥ '44. ΜΥΘΟΠΛΑΣΙΑ, ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ ΚΑΙ ΜΝΗΜΗ ΣΤΙΣ ΑΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΤΕΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΕΣ TOΥ ΣΤΡΑΤΗ ΤΣΙΡΚΑ
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Yiannis Papatheodorou, a The cruel April of 1944»: Fiction, History and Memory in Straus Tsirkas's Drifting Cities Stratis Tsirkas, a distinguished Greek diaspora novelist in Egypt, published his important and controversial trilogy {The Club, Ariagne, The Bat), in the early '60s. The novel is situated in three colonial Mediterranean cities —Jerusalem, Cairo and Alexandria— drifting towards chaos in a war-torn Middle East, during 1942-1944. As far as the plot is concerned, the trilogy is inscribed to the wider context of postwar European literary «master-narratives» elaborating representations of war, Nazism and resistance, and also opening an agenda to the traumatic phenomena of a discontinuous modernity: violence, social repression, exclusion of the Other. This article discusses the politics of history and memory in Stratis Tsirkas's trilogy Drifting Cities in order to show how he problematizes the tropes of historical representation in a dialogical perspective, by focalizing to the Greek military left underground «movement of April 1944». His historical point of view, which clearly can be identified as the «return of the repressed», is related to the questions of an alternative narration about the past, enriched within a critical and deliberating interpretation of the left collective memory.
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ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΙΑ ΑΜΦΙΣΒΗΤΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΤΙΚΗ ΣΤΡΑΤΕΥΣΗ. ΕΡΓΑΖΟΜΕΝΕΣ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΕΣ ΣΕ ΜΕΣΟΠΟΛΕΜΙΚΑ ΠΕΖΟΓΡΑΦΗΜΑΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΘΡΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΑΛΑΤΕΙΑΣ ΚΑΖΑΝΤΖΑΚΗ
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.
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Η ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ ΩΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΑ. ΑΝΑΠΑΡΑΣΤΑΣΕΙΣ TOΥ ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΟΥ ΜΙΛΛΕΤ ΚΑΙ ΤΟ ΜΟΝΤΕΛΟ ΤΗΣ ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΜΟΝΑΡΧΙΑΣ (δεύτερο μισό 19ου αι.)
Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.
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Η ΓΛΩΣΣΟΛΟΓΙΚΗ ΣΤΡΟΦΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΡΙΣΜΕΝΕΣ ΕΠΙΣΗΜΑΝΣΕΙΣ
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Powerful revisionist currents are now flowing through the social sciences against what have been termed «society-centred» modes of explanation. The swift away from social determination has centred on the problem of the material referent of political motivation. This essay, talking about the language, wants to discuss some of the most problematic legacies of the social historical methodology. Linguistic turn in history focuses on the ways meaning is constituted in and through language in order to explain the world. Discourse is the organising concept term for conceptualising and practising the history of meaning. Discourse operates so as to structure thought and speech in certain ways and to preclude being structured in others. The problem of organising a social identity becomes one of representation: ideas certainly do matter, but the ways in which they matter, indeed their very existence as identifiable ideas, depend on processes of institutional and cultural mediation. That's why there is always an element of discordance between «social being» and its interpretation in «social consciousness». The disequilibrium results from the fact that their linkage is a product of human convention. People's responses to their experiences help shaped social change.
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ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΕΣ ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΡΓΕΝΤΙΝΟΥ ΑΝΑΡΧΙΣΜΟΥ
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.
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Η ΕΝΝΟΙΑ TOΥ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΥ ΧΡΟΝΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΣΕΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΣ ΤΟΥ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΥ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΥ. ΖΗΤΗΜΑΤΑ ΜΕΘΟΔΟΛΟΓΙΑΣ
Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».
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