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A régiók jelentősége a mai európai politikai életben : THE SIGNIFICANCE OF REGIONS IN TODAY'S EUROPEAN POLITICAL LIFE
A régiók nem csak a közelmúltban jelentek meg az európai politika színpadán, mint önálló szereplők, tevékenységüket már évtizedek óta jegyzik. Ennek középpontjában mindenekelőtt a régiók határokon átnyúló együttműködése áll, ezt egészítették ki a régiók transznacionális megállapodásaival, amelyek arra szolgáltak, hogy a nemzetállamok kormányaival valamint a nemzetközi szervezetekkel, különösképpen az Európa Tanáccsal és az Európai Közösséggel szemben érdekképviseletüket gyakorolják. Az utóbbi időben a régiók egyre energikusabban és követelőbben hívták fel magukra a figyelmet. Tevékenységük súlypontja jelenleg nyilvánvalóan az EU és az integrációs folyamatokon belül helyezkedik el. A régiók mint az EU-kontextus politikai tényezői igen sokrétű tevékenységet mutatnak fel, amelyek az "Európa régiói" megjelölésben foglalhatók össze. Az elnevezésből, mint sokszor használatos szlogenből azonban hiányzik egy egyértelmű és ugyanakkor közös megegyezéssel alapuló, elfogadott tartalom. Regions appeared as autonomous entities on the European political stage not only in recent years. The activity of regions has been recorded for decades. It focuses above all on the cross-border cooperation of regions, and was supplemented by the trans-national agreements of regions, which served to practice their representation against the governments of nation states as well as international organisations, in particular, the European Council and the European Community. Most recently, regions have drawn attention to their presence more and more and when doing so have found increasing attention. Their centre of activity is now obviously located within the EU and the integration processes. Regions as the political factors of the EU context show a wide range of activities that can be summarized under the label of 'the regions of Europe'. The name, as a frequently used slogan, is lacking a clear and at the same time jointly agreed, accepted content. Regions and regionalism are rather flourishing in Europe. But what do regionalism and the expression Europe of regions exactly mean? There are many approaches to the question, the concept of cross-border interregionality between the Member States of the European Union, or the effort to make regions the basic building blocks of European integration instead of states, and the objective to introduce a three-tier structure to the European Union which would extend the already existing tiers of the European Union and the Member States with a third one, the territorial units within nation states. The first approach has long been adopted, the second approach is rather utopian. The third one is subject to fierce debates: a three-tier European Union with European, nation state and regional levels.
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A munkavállalói képviselet részvételi jogosítványai a gazdasági társaságok,valamint üzemeik irányítása terén az euroatlanti régióban és Magyarországon
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 127-144
ISSN: 2734-7095
The study deals with employee participation in corporate and plant management, showing the historical course of the formation and development from the early twentieth century to the end of World War II. Following World War II, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) developed a system of 50-50% ownership and employee representation in both areas, which in the early 1970s was transformed into two-thirds ownership and one-third employee representation. Next, the study presents the structural nature of the current participatory institutional system, the electoral system, and the licensing system in a comparative manner.
A magyar parlamentarizmus a századfordulón: politikusok és intézmények
In: História könyvtár
In: Monográfiák 15
Az igazságügyi gyermekvédelem fejlődése Finkeytől napjainkig
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 109-124
ISSN: 2734-7095
Child protection in justice is designed to prevent crime among children and juveniles, to keep them away from further crime, and to reintegrate young offenders into society. So, it also covers the areas of prevention, enforcement, and aftercare. As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, it was recognized that child protection covers the elimination of a child's financial vulnerability, the prevention of moral misconduct, and the representation of the interests of both orphans and the unhealthy. The country's opportunities have been influenced not only by political ideologies but also by the human and material casualties suffered as a result of the two world wars. The current focus of child protection in justice is always on socio-economic and political problems. Examining the personality and family relationships of juvenile offenders also went a long way in the designated period. The protection of children in justice also affects the areas of administrative law, criminal substantive and procedural law, and criminology. At the end of the paper, I compare the institution of patronage and the preventive patronage.
Politikai stratégiák, avagy a horvát választási rendszer változásai
In the independent Croatia elections are among the most important political processes, hence they are the central elements of the whole transition. The importance of elections has increased the importance of electoral systems as institutional forms of arranging elections, and they became main constitutional arrangements of the new democratic country. There have been no any new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe with such frequent and radical changes of electoral systems in the first decade after political changes. In the entire transitional region there has been no country that in ten years carried out three big, electoral reforms. In ten years, all the central models of the electoral systems for the first chamber of the Parliament have been remoulded: the absolute majority system (1990), the segmented system with the equal ratio of direct and closed list seats (1992), the segmented system with the preponderant share of the closed list seats (1995) and the proportional representation (2000).
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A kelet-közép-európai területi fejlődés két komponenséről
Two questions will be discussed in the following paper, which, on the basis of the European Union's regional policy document plans, are considered symptomatic in the declining competitiveness of Eastern and Central European spatial policy and will be listed among the key factors in the preparation for the new programming period. These are the following: the institutional balance point of spatial development and the inevitable factor of knowledge-based development, research and development. Before the examination of these factors of content, the declining competitiveness of regional policy will be discussed in European comparison. In the period of the preparation for the new Structural Policy, besides the objectives of supports, resources and mechanisms of structural instruments, the exploitation of the new driving forces of spatial development must also be taken into consideration. The former question is related to the representation of national interests in the EU, the latter task belongs to the domain of national sectoral policies and institutional structures. The modification of factors shaping spatial development necessitates the transformation of the system of objectives, instruments and institutions of regional policy. This also implies the enforcement of national interests.
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Vitaindító javaslatok a román–magyar viszony rövid távú javítása és hosszú távú fejlesztése kapcsán: a kisebbségi törvény aktualitása és egyéb problémák
In: Erdélyi jogélet, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 3-10
ISSN: 2734-7095
The aim of the discussion paper is to assess the current state of Romanian−Hungarian relations in Transylvania, the causes of the problems and possible ways to improve interethnic links. The proposals include legal and non-legal solutions. From a Hungarian point of view, is not possible to circumvent the redesign of the dialogue; it is necessary to be able to explain why the goal is to achieve consociational democracy. In this context, it is also necessary to write a short programe document in Romanian outlining the ideal model of coexistence. The legal instrument for moving forward still seems to be the Minority Act provided for in the Constitution but never adopted. In this regard, Romania is in a situation of anti-constitutionality due to omission. Resolving the problem of language use in the judiciary is also a key issue. The establishment of training centres in Cluj-Napoca and Iași within the framework of the National Institute of Magistracy in the short term may be a step forward to tackle the under-representation in the judiciary, while consociational democracy is the solution in the long term for this issue as well. The topic of cultural autonomy, which already exists in certain elements, is also open and may lead to progress, and this must be resolved within the framework of the Minority Act.