Suchergebnisse

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

This research seeks to know the perception of the five political parties (PKB, Golkar, PKS, PPP, and PDI) in the implementing legislation concerning women's representation in political parties and the electoral period 2009-2014, and the constraints faced by women in fulfilling the quota of 30%. With kualitatif.Dapat research methodology concluded that the representation of women in the 2009 legislative election in Tasikmalaya Regency is still very low at only 14% of the normative provisions of 30%. The five parties that became the sampling study, admitted that he had to do the functions of political parties, it's just cultural factors and conventional views of Islam considers women's entrance into the political sphere is something that is taboo. Although the view of Islam in the political sphere think of women as well as lacquers are the same men made no difference in the eyes of God. Representation of women in politics, especially in the legislature should be used as an evaluation, whether the low representation of women in Tasikmalaya Regency is 14% influenced by the electoral system, the internal political party or political and religious culture that has been entrenched in society. Party according to its function should provide a more mature political education to the cadre of women for the women to be better prepared to compete with men - men in the arena of politics, and make more qualified cadre of women in politics so that gender equality can be realized and the representation of women can be fulfilled for the benefit and well being nation.

This article examines the political representation of women's quota required for both political party in the structure of the political party and legislative candidates in the 2014 election. The research mainly deals with question on how the implementation and obstacles of the women's quota for candidates are. Based on qualitative approach, the resultsof the study indicate that; first,the implementation of recruit-ment of executive board members by DPW PAN of East Java has been done through a closed mechanism, while the recruitment of legislative candidates washeldin an open mechanism. The quota representationis driven more by external motivation, namely regulatory of quota, rather than internal one, i.e. political awareness.Second, the difficulties in ful-filling the quota of women's representation of Parliament in DPW PAN of East Java have beencaused mainly by high political cost, low-level popularity, limitedness of female candidate'scapacity, and limitedness of social and political networking of the candidates.

Abstract : The de jure government has given full support in improving the quality and quantity of women's political, affirmative strategy of 30% quota for women. However, this strategy can not guarantee women's role in politics optimally. Therefore, sanggatlah important to make efforts to improve the quality and quantity of the representation of women's representation in politics. Especially in the context of democracy, which should give the right to the same opportunities to all the people, both men and women in voicing their aspirations as a manifestation of their political rights. Untuuk realize it all, required education as a vehicle for increasing women's political empowerment and the ability to actualize their role as citizens. Abstrak : Secara de yure, Pemerintah telah memberikan dukungan penuh dalam meningkatkan kualitas dan kuantitas politik, strategi afirmatif perempuan kuota 30% bagi perempuan. Namun, strategi ini tidak dapat menjamin peran perempuan dalam politik secara optimal. Oleh karena itu, sanggatlah penting untuk membuat upaya meningkatkan kualitas dan kuantitas representasi keterwakilan perempuan dalam politik. Terutama dalam konteks demokrasi, yang harus memberikan hak untuk kesempatan yang sama untuk semua orang, baik laki-laki dan perempuan dalam menyuarakan aspirasi mereka sebagai manifestasi dari hak-hak politik mereka. Untuuk mewujudkan itu semua, diperlukan pendidikan sebagai wahana untuk meningkatkan pemberdayaan politik perempuan dan kemampuan untuk mengaktualisasikan peran mereka sebagai warga negara

Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups. ; Problems arising from the relationship between Islam (dîn) and politics (siyâsah) became the polemics among Muslim political thinkers that have not been completely solved up until now. Hence, it is difficult to identify which countriy such as Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Algeria, and Indonesia, that deserves to be a representation of an Islamic state. The consequence of different understandings about the relationship between Islam and politics – in the case in Indonesia- is the emergence of Indonesian Islamic State (NII). This movement attracted a number of responses from Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. Using a sociohistorical-politics approach in discussing these responses as they do not agree about the establishment of the NII, will lead to an understanding of coercion and oppression of understanding group that is different from other groups.

Brain gain is one approach innovation to the regeneration of agriculture and ruraldevelopment actors who are a warm discourse in the world. Independence developmentof agribusiness young actors (AYA) are educated and skilled representation of brain gainprocess. As a complex process, brain gain needs to be initiated and developed into aregeneration policy in Indonesia. Quality management business perspective asserts, toarrive at a policy, it is necessary strategies. This study aims to formulate a independencedevelopment strategy of AYA. Articles that are designed in mixed method describes thelevel independence of AYA and formulate independence development strategy of AYA usinganalytical tools SEM and SSM. The study shows, the level independence of AYA relativelyless, particularly aspects of quality and competitiveness. Hybrid and collaborative strategycan be done to strengthening aspects of readiness, personal factors, pull factors and pushfactors the significant effect, both quantitatively and qualitatively. ; Brain gain is one approach innovation to the regeneration of agriculture and rural development actors who are a warm discourse in the world. Independence development of agribusiness young actors (AYA) are educated and skilled representation of brain gain process. As a complex process, brain gain needs to be initiated and developed into a regeneration policy in Indonesia. Quality management business perspective asserts, to arrive at a policy, it is necessary strategies. This study aims to formulate a independence development strategy of AYA. Articles that are designed in mixed method describes the level independence of AYA and formulate independence development strategy of AYA using analytical tools SEM and SSM. The study shows, the level independence of AYA relatively less, particularly aspects of quality and competitiveness. Hybrid and collaborative strategy can be done to strengthening aspects of readiness, personal factors, pull factors and push factors the significant effect, both quantitatively and qualitatively

The purpose of this study is to see how the representation of government officials about the pros and cons of lockdown by those who are pro with the policy of government officials; and how the representation of government officials about the lockdown counter by those who are counter to the policy of government officials in conveying their ideology in a speech on the ILC TV ONE talk show with the theme Corona: Pro and Counter Lockdown. This type of research is qualitative research with descriptive methods. The data in this study were in the form of speeches from each of the speakers, namely government officials and experts. The subjects in this study were government officials and experts who were the speakers at the ILC TV ONE program. The approach of this research is AWK Norman Fairclough's qualitative approach. The results of this study indicate that, that there is no one vote whether the pros or cons lockdown. Because there are a lot of considerations and shadows if the lockdown is done what the impact is and if nothing is done. There are 3 findings of representation from government officials' statements on the lockdown policy, namely (1) Government officials in their speeches do not have strong control to make decisions, local government officials still play it safe and maintain respect for the government above it. (2) Central government officials, which are represented by the President's spokesman, can only provide an educational explanation on what is social distancing and what is lockdown and the policies that are carried out; and (3) Representative government officials and experts criticizing the policies taken by the government have not been maximized and are not firm. AbstrakTujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang pro dan kontra lockdown oleh pihak yang pro dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah; dan bagaimana representasi pejabat pemerintah tentang prokontra lockdown oleh pihak yang kontra dengan kebijakan pejabat pemerintah dalam menyampaikan ideologinya dalam tuturan di talk show ILC TV ONE dengan tema Corona: Pro dan Kontra Lockdown. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough yang meliputi teks, discourse practice, dan sociocultural practice. Pendekatan penelitian ini berupa pendekatan kualitatif prespektif AWK Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, bahwa tidak satu suara apakah pro atau kontra lockdown. Karena banyak pertimbangan dan bayangan-bayangan jika lockdown dilakukan apa dampaknya dan jika tidak dilakukan apapula dampaknya. Ada 3 temuan representasi dari tuturan pejabat pemerintah atas kebijakan lockdown, yaitu (1) Pejabat pemerintah dalam tuturannya tidak mempunyai kendali yang kuat untuk membuat keputusan, pejabat pemerintah daerah masih bermain aman dan menjaga kehormatan kepada pemerintah diatasnya. (2) Pejabat pemerintah pusat yaitu diwakili oleh jubir Presiden hanya bisa memberikan penjelasan pendidikan mengenai apa itu sosial distancing dan apa itu lockdown serta kebijakan yang dilakukan; dan (3) Pejabat pemerintah wakil rakyat dan pakar mengkritisi kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah belum maksimal dan tidak tegas.

This paper reveals that the public administration of Tomanurung at Kedatuan Luwu that appeared in the XI-XV century has been implementing democracy model of government. Despite the model of that democratic government was not exactly same with democracy right now, but it's interesting that people in the government as supporting traditional communities have been able to devise a system of government where the people have a hand in determining the model or system of government. Supporting community has reached the stage of thinking that people have the right communities in making decisions that can change their lives through the representation of all groups. Community of Tomanurung at Kedatuan Luwu without the outside influences hase dispensing system of democratic governance. Democracy interpreted to allow citizens to participate, either directly or through representatives in formulating and developing the system of government. So, democracy of kedatuan Luwu take the last model of democracy that democracy is understood to allow citizens to participate through representatives.

General description of women's participation in the political world in Indonesia representation is very low at all levels of decision making, both at the executive, legislative and judicial levels in the government bureaucracy, political parties both in other public societies. In this case the low quality of women's participation in politics occurs in Bali, namely in the executive ranks. Likewise, at the echelon II level, there were no women who obtained the position, that is, from the number of village heads in Bali there were no women who held more positions as lurah, even if there were only a few. In addition, in the organization of the Lembaga Pemberdayaan Masyarakat (LPM) in Bali, it is rare and there may not be women who become the Bendesa Adat or Bendesa Pakraman. This is also evident in the management of other organizations such as youth clubs and sekuna teruna. In an organization like this it is rare to find women becoming chairpersons or electing a chairperson as chairman or vice chairman. Based on this, a gender perspective is considered by involving men and women in the basic decision-making process of democratic work that will lead to equality.

United Nations as international organization issued an international convention to eliminate discrimination towards women, called CEDAW (Convention on Elimination of All Form of Discrimination Against Women). As the one of the nation that ratified the convention, Indonesia, adopted CEDAW articles that becomes UU RI No. 7 Tahun 1984. Indonesia agreed to prevent further discrimination towards women and implement all the policies written on those article. Unfortunately, the success and implementation of CEDAW is still doubtful, especially in political realm. The number of women political participation never reached 30% according to the affirmative action that is stated in Indonesian Constitution. The 2009 and 2014 general election showed that women's representation in parliament in still low and not having significant change. The success of CEDAW can be seen from women's political participation, measured by international indicator called GEM (Gender Empowerment Measure). GEM is used to measure shift and effectiveness of the implementation of CEDAW Convention in Indonesia, especially in political participation. This article concluded that CEDAW International Convention in political participation is not effective yet, considering the number of women in parliament not balanced with ratio of women citizen in Indonesia.

A paradigm friction performanc e in the Parliament, and especially in terms of oversight has been pushed to the prioritize for interests and needs of the peoples. And then function of Parliament is a demanding to the implementation of functions in accordance with the expectations of the nation and society. And it has been arrenged in the Constitution number 17 of 2014 about MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, in this case the Parliament has already authority which is a form of representation of the people in area. That is problem to raised on my eassy is a about role. And then from the results obtained is a declare that is role and performance of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands must perspective and be a mandate to take tasks that have been given from the people, and under the supervision performance of local government the represents of aspirations and must or should be a pro-people. And that is must to do a government can functionate like a effectively and efficiently. And that is factors are a barrier of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands is a external factors that is come from outside of Parliament itself. And that conclusion in the supervision must be accordance with the aspirartions of the people and from the oustide Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands. ; A paradigm friction performanc e in the Parliament, and especially in terms of oversight has been pushed to the prioritize for interests and needs of the peoples. And then function of Parliament is a demanding to the implementation of functions in accordance with the expectations of the nation and society. And it has been arrenged in the Constitution number 17 of 2014 about MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, in this case the Parliament has already authority which is a form of representation of the people in area. That is problem to raised on my eassy is a about role. And then from the results obtained is a declare that is role and performance of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands must perspective and be a mandate to take tasks that have been given from the people, and under the supervision performance of local government the represents of aspirations and must or should be a pro-people. And that is must to do a government can functionate like a effectively and efficiently. And that is factors are a barrier of Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands is a external factors that is come from outside of Parliament itself. And that conclusion in the supervision must be accordance with the aspirartions of the people and from the oustide Parliament Province of Bangka Belitung Islands.

Abstract : Domestic violence is a human problem, because in it there is a dimension of human rights violations. Law No. 23 of 2004 on the Elimination of Domestic Violence are limitative have determined the distribution of the roles of each stakeholder in handling domestic violence cases. Stakeholders involved include the government as a representation of the state, NGOs, families, advocates, law enforcement officers, medical workers and clergy personnel. The number of stakeholders involved in the handling of domestic violence menginditifikasikan that domestic violence is a serious human rights crimes. Porposional division of roles between the state and the non-state institutions in the handling of domestic violence shows these regulations relevant to the concept of civil society in Indonesia.Abstrak : Kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah persoalan kemanusiaan, karena di dalamnya berdimensi pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2004 tentang Penghapusan Kekerasan Dalam Rumah Tangga, telah menentukan distribusi peran masing-masing pemangku kepentingan dalam menangani kasus-kasus kekerasan dalam rumah tangga. Pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat termasuk pemerintah sebagai representasi negara, LSM, keluarga, advokat, aparat penegak hukum, tenaga medis dan rohaniawan. Jumlah pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat dalam penanganan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga mengindetifikasikan bahwa kekerasan dalam rumah tangga adalah kejahatan hak asasi manusia. Pembagian porposional peran antara negara dan lembagalembaga non-pemerintah dalam penanganan kekerasan dalam rumah tangga menunjukkan peraturan hukum tersebut relevan dengan konsep masyarakat madani di Indonesia.

Local governments carry out internal audits to provide control over the activities of internal control in the implementation of governance is good, so that fraud can be prevented so that the performance of local government can be carried out adequately.This study aims to determine 1) the relationship between internal audit, internal control and fraud prevention, 2) the influence of internal audit, internal control and good government good governance on the prevention of fraud both simultaneously and parsial, 3) the influence of internal audit, internal control, good government governance, the prevention of fraud on the government's performance both simultaneously and parsial.Unit this study is all the provincial, regency / city in West Java and Banten with respondents Inspectorate West Java and Banten government and the State Audit Representation of West Java and Banten. Method of analysis using Path Analysis.These results indicate that 1) there is a positive relationship between internal audit, internal control and fraud prevention, 2) internal audit, internal control and good government governance affects both fraud prevention and partially simultaneously, 3) internal audit, internal control, good government governance, fraud prevention affects the performance of both local government and partially simultaneously. The contribution of this study describes the effect that the internal audit in the implementation of a consistent internal control for the government to realize good governance and prevent fraud, to improve local government performance on an ongoing basis. The implications of this study showed improved performance of local government for development in the areas of research interest in creating clean government.

Corruption, Collusion and Nepotism (KKN) are social diseases that have long infected the nation and state of Indonesia. This paper conveys the social movement theory in the effort to create a government free from KKN through strengthening the role of masyarakat madani (civil society). The Jenkins and Klandermans' diagram of the relationship of social movements with the state and the political system illustrates the problem of a three-way relationship between social movements, political representation and the state. The issue is the extent to which opportunities represented by political representatives in social movements, the impact of social protests on political parties and official political processes, as well as the implications of these relations in modern democracies. In this case, the social movement's chances through the 1998 reforms have been able to undermine the authoritarian New Order regime, a good start for the creation of democracy in Indonesia. However, it turns out that KKN disease that has been rooted to create systemic corruption (institutional entry) creates its own difficulties in eradication. Civil society as an alternative to social forces should be encouraged to play a role in solving the chaotic reform of the Indonesian bureaucracy. The role of civil society through NGOs, intellectuals, students, workers or labours, mass organizations, religious leaders, social media, press and other elements of society are expected to make the government more assertive in enforcing the law and crack down on KKN actors according to MPR XI / 1998, Anti-Corruption Law, as well as other supporting regulations that have been created. Law enforcement agencies, including POLRI, KPK, Judicial Commission are expected to play a role. This is of course with the participation of civil society as a control force that offsets the strength of government in upholding truth and justice. Keywords: civil society, social movements, KKN (Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism), clean government.